DeMaio, known for his combative political style and a growing online following through his YouTube channel and grassroots organization Reform California, has become a lightning rod within his own party. During the June primary, his group backed a slate of candidates that often clashed with those favored by the official California Republican Party, drawing sharp criticism from GOP leadership.

Party officials went so far as to send DeMaio a cease-and-desist letter, arguing he was improperly using Republican branding to promote his preferred candidates. But the pushback did little to slow him down — several of the contenders he supported went on to defeat establishment-backed Republicans in legislative races across the San Diego area, along with one contest in the Central Valley.

One of the most closely watched races played out in San Diego’s Senate District 40, where DeMaio threw his support behind Kristie Bruce-Lane, whom he described as a “fighter” willing to take on Democratic lawmakers directly. Bruce-Lane’s campaign, bolstered by roughly $250,000 in support from DeMaio’s Reform Local Government political action committee, faced off against San Marcos City Councilmember Ed Musgrove, a veteran local official who raised nearly $2 million and secured endorsements from prominent Republicans, including Senate Minority Leader Brian Jones and outgoing U.S. Rep. Darrell Issa.

Despite being significantly outspent, Bruce-Lane won the primary and will advance to face former San Diego City Attorney Mara Elliott, a Democrat, in November’s general election.

The outcome underscores a broader tension playing out within California’s GOP: whether the path back to relevance runs through moderation or through firing up a more hardline conservative base — a strategy DeMaio appears determined to prove can work, even against the wishes of his own party’s leadership.

In other Capitol news, California Democrats remain split over a proposed tax targeting billionaires. The California Democratic Party voted last week to formally endorse the measure following a contentious internal debate, even as Gov. Gavin Newsom and gubernatorial candidate Xavier Becerra have both spoken out against Proposition 40.

Meanwhile, the state’s legal battles with the Trump administration continue to rack up wins. California Attorney General Rob Bonta reported this week that the state has successfully protected $207 billion in federal funding that the Trump administration attempted to withhold, after filing dozens of lawsuits since Trump returned to office. Of 79 cases resolved through the end of July, California prevailed in the vast majority — either through court rulings or a change of course by federal officials. The funding in question touched schools, food assistance programs, public safety initiatives and climate-related projects. Bonta’s office estimates it has spent close to $29 million litigating against the administration, drawn largely from a special legal fund state lawmakers created last year in anticipation of exactly this kind of fight.

Elsewhere, advocates are sounding alarms over potential changes to Head Start, the federal early childhood education program that serves roughly 70,000 children across more than 1,800 sites in California. The Trump administration has signaled plans to loosen regulatory requirements for the program, though specifics remain unclear. Critics worry the changes could weaken protections such as low student-to-teacher ratios, minimum staff qualifications, and rules ensuring access for income-eligible children regardless of disability status or immigration status.

And on the water front, a newly released 10-year federal framework for managing the Colorado River has left California officials with more questions than answers. While the plan includes an estimated 10% reduction in California’s water allocation through 2028, it stops short of laying out a clear long-term strategy, leaving the state’s water managers to plan amid continued uncertainty.

Original source: CalMatters

The post Carl DeMaio Urges GOP to Abandon Moderate Strategy in California appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.

The California Republican Party sent a cease-and-desist letter to Assemblymember Carl DeMaio, a San Diego Republican, accusing him of misusing official party branding on campaign materials distributed by his organization, Reform California. Party officials called it “a calculated deception of California’s Republican voters.”

The warning had little effect. When primary results came in, candidates aligned with DeMaio’s Reform California outperformed expectations, defeating establishment-backed Republicans in several San Diego-area races and demonstrating that the insurgent movement now carries real weight within the state party — whether GOP leadership likes it or not.

The most closely watched contest played out in the race to succeed termed-out Senate Minority Leader Brian Jones. Business and technology interests poured roughly $2 million into defeating Reform-backed candidate Kristie Bruce-Lane, who had lost two previous legislative bids. Despite that spending, Bruce-Lane defeated San Marcos City Councilmember Ed Musgrove, the choice of Jones and outgoing U.S. Rep. Darrell Issa, and will face former San Diego City Attorney Mara Elliott, a Democrat, in November.

Reform California notched other victories as well. In the Central Valley, Merced City Councilmember Darin DuPont advanced to challenge Democratic Assemblymember Esmeralda Soria. And in a San Diego County supervisor race, Reform-endorsed San Marcos Mayor Rebecca Jones edged out Vista Mayor John Franklin, who had the backing of party regulars.

DeMaio’s reach extends beyond legislative contests. Hector Barajas, spokesperson for Republican gubernatorial candidate Steve Hilton, said Hilton values his relationship with DeMaio, who appeared with him on his podcast ahead of the primary. Reform California endorsed both Hilton and Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco in the governor’s race.

DeMaio did not respond to multiple requests for comment from CalMatters.

**A Fight Over Style, Not Substance**

The battle for the San Diego-area Senate seat exposed a deeper divide within local Republican ranks. In February, a contentious meeting of San Diego County GOP committee members failed to produce consensus on whether to back Bruce-Lane or Musgrove.

Policy-wise, the two candidates aren’t far apart. But their approach to governing couldn’t be more different. Bruce-Lane and her allies describe her as a fighter willing to clash openly with Democrats — the same combative style that has made DeMaio a recognizable figure in a Legislature where Republicans are outnumbered three to one. Musgrove represents a more traditional wing of the party that favors quiet negotiation over confrontation.

Financially, the two campaigns looked very different. Musgrove drew $1.3 million from California Leads, a super PAC backed by Meta and Google that supports candidates favorable to the tech industry, along with nearly $530,000 from an oil industry-funded PAC. Bruce-Lane, by contrast, raised about $250,000, supplemented by $2,000 from DeMaio’s Reform Local Government PAC and roughly $13,000 from the San Diego County Gun Owners PAC.

State GOP Chair Corrin Rankin, who has a strained relationship with DeMaio, confirmed that Reform California eventually corrected campaign materials that had improperly used party branding.

Republican strategist Jon Fleischman said DeMaio gravitates toward candidates who are willing to make noise, even without the votes to win legislative battles. “Carl’s argument is: We don’t have the votes, all we have is our voice,” Fleischman said. He described Musgrove as likable but unlikely to be an aggressive presence on the Assembly floor — “more of a gentleman” than a “bomb thrower.”

Musgrove said he believes Bruce-Lane’s outspoken style may have won her the primary, but he remains convinced that pragmatism, not confrontation, gets legislation passed. “I have to believe she has a strategy to go up there and effectuate change rather than continuing to point out problems,” he said.

**A Familiar Tension Resurfaces**

The clash highlights a persistent question hanging over California’s Republican Party: whether to moderate its message to attract a broader coalition of voters, or double down on conservative positions to energize its most committed supporters. With registered Democrats outnumbering Republicans 45% to 25% statewide, and no GOP candidate having won statewide office in two decades, the stakes of that debate remain high.

Reform California’s fundraising success offers one answer to that question. The group brought in $5.8 million during the 2024 election cycle — roughly a quarter of what the entire state party raised over the same period — largely through small-dollar donations. The organization also successfully qualified a voter ID measure, Proposition 39, for the November ballot.

“DeMaio has built a very formidable and good political organization,” said GOP consultant Tim Rosales, even if his tactics rub some the wrong way. “California state politics is big league baseball. You got to have thick skin and you gotta be able to roll with it.”

Still, Republican strategists caution that Bruce-Lane faces a tough road in November. The San Diego-area district, once reliably Republican, has shifted toward the political center in recent years. Kamala Harris carried it by nearly 4 percentage points, and voter registration now favors Democrats slightly, with 35% Democratic, 34% Republican and 24% unaffiliated.

“This is a seat that’s going to be very difficult for Republicans to retain in a midterm election, so it’s not surprising that the leadership was preferring a more mainstream candidate,” said Republican strategist Rob Stutzman. He added, though, that primary voters don’t always choose the most electable option in a general election — “but it also doesn’t mean it should be written off.”

Bruce-Lane did not respond to multiple interview requests. Rankin, for her part, declined to say whether she’s worried about the party’s chances of holding the seat. “The only thing I’m saying from my position is that we have a Republican who made it past the primary. I think it’s going to be up to the voters,” she said.

**Not a New Fight**

The tension between pragmatism and ideological purity has dogged California’s Republican Party for decades, according to Rosales. Gerry Parsky, a former George W. Bush administration official, tried to steer the party toward the center in 2001, hoping to broaden its appeal to women and voters of color — an effort that provoked backlash from those who saw it as abandoning core positions on issues like immigration and marriage.

Arnold Schwarzenegger, the last Republican to win statewide office in California, made similar appeals during his tenure as governor, warning in 2007 that the party was “dying at the box office” by ignoring issues like health care and the environment. Party leaders largely brushed off his warnings.

Friction has continued under Rankin’s leadership since she took the helm last year, including questions about her fundraising performance that prompted Jones and other party leaders to change how campaign funds flow to the state party — a move that further diluted its centralized influence.

For some Republicans, that internal discord isn’t necessarily a bad thing. “I happen to be on the side of more voices like Carl would be better, because I don’t think there should be a free pass on the floor of the Legislature,” Fleischman said. “What’s the point of a minority party if you’re not expressing the minority view?”

Original source: CalMatters

The post California GOP Tried to Sideline Him — He Won Anyway, Running to Their Right appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.

According to an analysis by CalMatters Digital Democracy of voting records dating back to 2023, the state’s lawmakers vote against their own party’s majority position less than 1% of the time on average. Straying from the pack is rare enough that it stands out when it happens — and it often comes from legislators representing swing districts where the political middle still matters.

Topping the list of independent voters is Assemblymember Greg Wallis, a Republican representing the Rancho Mirage area, who broke from his party 8% of the time — a reflection of just how competitive his district is. Wallis first won his seat in 2022 by a mere 85 votes, one of the tightest margins in California history.

This year, Wallis was the only Republican to support a bill aimed at preventing the arrest of abortion providers or gender-affirming care providers. He was also the sole GOP vote in favor of a measure barring tech companies from handing over user data to law enforcement targeting protesters or others exercising First Amendment rights. Wallis additionally backed a priority bill from the Legislature’s LGBTQ Caucus intended to protect insurance coverage for gay and transgender Californians — again, the only Republican to do so.

“Republicans, Democrats, independents — nobody has a monopoly on good ideas,” Wallis said. “I was elected to represent the 500,000 constituents of Assembly District 47, so our approach has always been to judge each bill on its merits, not simply on which party supports or opposes it.”

Independent voting, already uncommon, could become even rarer in California and across the country as the electorate grows more polarized. A moderate lawmaker who casts a vote that defies the party line risks giving hardline primary challengers ammunition come election season.

This year’s primaries illustrate exactly what’s at stake for centrists. President Donald Trump’s “Make America Great Again” movement has all but consumed the Republican Party, with MAGA loyalists scoring near-unanimous primary wins over more moderate GOP incumbents. On the other side, Democratic socialists and progressive challengers notched their own victories, ousting moderate Democrats in races around the country.

California lawmakers, too, have strong incentives to toe the party line. Party leadership controls valuable committee assignments, leadership posts and campaign resources that legislators depend on for reelection.

A moderate faces a reckoning

Breaking with her party may have contributed to Assemblymember Jasmeet Bains’ primary defeat in June. Bains, a moderate Democrat and family physician representing the Bakersfield area, ran for Congress this year and lost to progressive college professor Randy Villegas.

Bains ranks second among Democrats for voting against her party’s majority, doing so just under 2% of the time since she was elected to the Legislature in 2022.

Her moderate, nuanced positions — particularly on fossil fuels and health care — gave Villegas lines of attack that resonated with more left-leaning voters. Villegas will now face moderate Republican Rep. David Valadao in November, after both advanced through the state’s top-two primary system.

In an interview, Bains said she always voted based on what she believed was best for her constituents, even when it angered fellow Democrats, and that she has no regrets.

“It wasn’t for a party,” she said. “It was for them — it was for my community.”

Bains is perhaps best known as the lone Democrat who voted against Gov. Gavin Newsom’s 2023 bill aimed at capping oil company profits. She argued the measure would harm the oil industry, a cornerstone of Kern County’s economy.

That vote drew a public rebuke from Newsom’s now-indicted former chief of staff, Dana Williamson, who wrote on social media that Bains would “probably remain alone and confused.” Then-Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon also disciplined Bains, temporarily removing her from a committee assignment.

Wallis said his Republican colleagues tend to be understanding when he crosses over to support a Democratic bill, though they don’t let him off entirely without some good-natured ribbing. He said his favorite candy bar is Twix — and after voting for a Democratic bill, he sometimes finds a Twix package on his desk with only the left-side bar still inside.

Modesto Republican Assemblymember Juan Alanis ranks just behind Wallis on the list of party dissenters, breaking from most of his GOP colleagues 7% of the time.

Alanis said his colleagues understand that his district has only a slight Republican registration edge over Democrats, which gives him some latitude to occasionally vote against the party line. Still, he acknowledged that conservative primary challengers could one day use those votes against him.

Even so, he said he intends to keep voting according to his district and his conscience. If a right-wing challenger wants to make an issue of it, he said, “so be it.”

Voting no produces outliers

Other lawmakers stand out simply because they’re more willing to vote “no” than their colleagues.

Abstaining is a common tactic California legislators use to signal discomfort with a bill while avoiding an outright “no” that might anger powerful interest groups or fellow lawmakers. As CalMatters has previously reported, Democrats vote “no” less than 1% of the time. Republicans vote “no” far more often — typically around 20% of the time — but they also abstain more frequently than Democrats do.

San Diego Republican Assemblymember Carl DeMaio rarely skips votes. He simply votes against them. Last year, he cast more “no” votes than any other member of the Legislature.

DeMaio, who has often publicly clashed with his own party, has no qualms about voting “no” even when most Republicans vote “yes.” He ranks third among dissenters, breaking from his party’s majority position 5.5% of the time.

Notably, DeMaio broke with his party this year by voting against legislation granting pay and pension increases to the state’s public safety workers.

DeMaio said he votes against bills he believes will raise costs for California taxpayers, regardless of whether that angers wealthy or powerful groups — including the unions pushing the pay and pension legislation.

“I’m simply not going to be influenced by the power of a group,” DeMaio said. “If they support a bill that’s bad policy, I’ll vote against it.”

It helps that DeMaio runs a substantial grassroots conservative fundraising operation, which insulates him from relying on campaign donations from deep-pocketed interest groups.

On the Democratic side, Assemblymember Anamarie Ávila Farías, who represents the Concord area, also votes “no” more often than most of her Democratic colleagues. Last year, she cast more no votes than any other member of the Assembly Democratic Caucus.

She also leads Democrats in breaking from her party, having done so 2.16% of the time — largely thanks to those occasional no votes.

This year, she was the only Democrat to vote against a measure that would have given Californians the right to sue companies for forming harmful monopolies. Several moderate Democratic colleagues had expressed concern that the bill could be exploited by opportunistic law firms to shake down struggling businesses in an already high-cost state — but unlike Ávila Farías, those lawmakers chose simply not to vote rather than vote no outright.

Ávila Farías said her constituents sent her to Sacramento to make tough calls, and she’s comfortable voting “no” when she believes a proposal isn’t in their best interest or could raise costs for Californians, even when her colleagues hold back.

“It’s a lot harder to undo something than it is to stand firm and raise the flag,” she said. “I’m guided more by facts, data, execution and unintended consequences than by party ideology.”

Original source: CalMatters

The post Most California Lawmakers Never Break From Their Party. Here Are the Few Who Do appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.

A new CalMatters Digital Democracy analysis of voting records shows that California lawmakers side against their own party less than 1% of the time on average, a testament to just how tightly the state Capitol operates along party lines. Still, a small handful of legislators — including one whose district stretches through the Coachella Valley — are willing to step outside the fold when they feel it’s warranted.

Topping that short list is Assemblymember Greg Wallis, a Rancho Mirage Republican who represents one of the most competitive districts in the state. Wallis broke from his party on 8% of his votes, the highest rate of any lawmaker in Sacramento. That independent streak traces back to his 2022 election, which he won by a razor-thin 85 votes — one of the closest legislative races in California history.

This year alone, Wallis was the only Republican in the Assembly to support a bill barring arrests of abortion providers and gender-affirming care providers. He was also the sole GOP vote for legislation preventing tech companies from handing over user data to law enforcement targeting protesters, and the only Republican backing an LGBTQ Caucus-sponsored bill protecting insurance coverage for gay and transgender residents.

“Republicans, Democrats, independents — nobody has a monopoly on good ideas,” Wallis said. “I was elected to represent all 500,000 constituents in the 47th Assembly District, so our approach has always been to evaluate every bill on its merits, not on which party is pushing it.”

Political observers warn that such independence may become increasingly scarce, both in California and nationally, as primary elections grow more polarized. A single vote against the party line can become fodder for a more ideologically rigid challenger. This year’s primary season underscored the risk: Trump-aligned Republicans ousted several moderate incumbents nationwide, while progressive challengers knocked off centrist Democrats in a number of races.

In Sacramento, the incentives to stay in line are strong. Legislative leadership controls committee assignments, campaign support and other resources lawmakers rely on to keep their seats — making defection a costly gamble.

A Bakersfield moderate pays the price

That risk became reality for Assemblymember Jasmeet Bains, a moderate Democrat and physician representing the Bakersfield region. Bains ranks second among Democrats in willingness to break from her party, doing so just under 2% of the time since taking office in 2022 — but that record may have cost her politically.

Bains ran for Congress this year and lost in the primary to progressive academic Randy Villegas, who used her more centrist voting record — particularly on oil industry regulation and health care — to draw a contrast with more progressive voters. Villegas now advances to a November matchup against moderate Republican Rep. David Valadao.

Bains, in an interview, said she has no regrets about voting her conscience rather than following the party.

“It wasn’t for a party,” she said. “It was for them; it was for my community.”

Her most notable break from Democratic orthodoxy came in 2023, when she was the lone Democrat to oppose Gov. Gavin Newsom’s bill targeting oil company profits, arguing it would hurt Kern County’s oil-dependent economy. The vote drew a sharp public rebuke from Newsom’s then-chief of staff, Dana Williamson — who has since been indicted — and led then-Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon to temporarily strip Bains of a committee assignment.

Wallis said his fellow Republicans take a lighter approach when he crosses party lines, often razzing him rather than punishing him. His favorite candy, a Twix bar, has become something of an inside joke — after he casts a Democratic-friendly vote, he said, colleagues sometimes leave just the left side of a Twix on his desk.

Modesto Republican Assemblymember Juan Alanis isn’t far behind Wallis, breaking from GOP colleagues 7% of the time. Alanis said his district’s nearly even partisan split gives him leeway with fellow Republicans, though he acknowledges a future primary challenger could try to use his votes against him.

“If a right-wing challenger wants to make an issue of that, then so be it,” Alanis said, adding that he intends to keep voting according to his district and his own judgment.

When ‘no’ becomes the outlier

Some lawmakers stand out simply because they’re more willing to vote “no” outright, rather than quietly abstaining — a common tactic in Sacramento for lawmakers who want to avoid angering powerful interests without casting a hard vote against them.

CalMatters has previously reported that Democrats rarely vote “no,” doing so less than 1% of the time, while Republicans oppose bills roughly 20% of the time but also abstain more frequently.

San Diego Republican Assemblymember Carl DeMaio is an exception to that pattern — he doesn’t shy away from casting “no” votes, and last year recorded more of them than any other legislator. DeMaio ranks third among all lawmakers in bucking his own party, doing so 5.5% of the time.

This year, DeMaio broke from the bulk of his Republican colleagues by voting against legislation granting pay raises and pension increases to state public safety workers. He said his votes are guided by concern over rising costs for taxpayers, regardless of how much political muscle a group might have behind a bill.

“I’m simply not going to be swayed by how powerful a group is,” DeMaio said. “If they’re backing a bill that is bad policy, I’m going to vote no.” He noted that his robust grassroots fundraising network gives him financial independence from special interests that might otherwise sway his votes.

On the Democratic side, Assemblymember Anamarie Ávila Farías of Concord stands out for a similar reason. She cast more “no” votes than any other Democrat last year and leads her caucus in overall deviation from the party line, breaking ranks 2.16% of the time.

This year, she was the only Democrat to vote against a bill that would allow Californians to sue companies over harmful monopolistic practices. While several moderate Democrats shared concerns that the legislation could invite predatory lawsuits against struggling businesses, most simply abstained rather than vote no.

Ávila Farías said she was elected to make tough calls, not avoid them.

“It’s much harder to undo something than to stand firm and raise the flag,” she said. “I’m more governed by the facts, the data, the execution and the unintended consequences than by party ideology.”

Methodology note: To determine how often lawmakers voted against their party, CalMatters analyzed voting records since 2023, comparing each lawmaker’s votes to their party’s majority position on each bill. Instances where a lawmaker voted yes when the majority voted no or abstained, or voted no when the majority voted yes, were counted as deviations. These were averaged across all years since 2023 to produce each lawmaker’s overall rate of breaking from the party line.

Original source: CalMatters

The post Handful of California Legislators Break Ranks With Their Party — Most Never Do appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.

The legislation, known as AB 2624, recently advanced through the State Assembly with support from Democratic lawmakers. Supporters say the bill is aimed at protecting organizations that serve immigrant communities from potential threats or harassment. Critics, however, argue the language could have broader implications for transparency and public oversight.

DeMaio, a Republican representing San Diego, has been especially vocal, warning that the bill could discourage citizen journalists from documenting and sharing footage tied to taxpayer-funded programs. He has referred to the proposal as the “Stop Nick Shirley Act,” referencing online journalist Nick Shirley, whose viral videos have drawn attention to alleged issues within public services.

During a recent Assembly committee hearing, DeMaio pressed the bill’s author, Mia Bonta, over provisions that would allow individuals affiliated with certain organizations to request the removal of video recordings — even if those recordings were taken in public spaces. He also raised concerns about potential financial penalties for those who publish such content online.

According to DeMaio, those measures could be used to discourage investigative reporting by journalists, watchdog groups and members of the public documenting potential misconduct.

Supporters of AB 2624 maintain that the legislation is intended to improve safety for vulnerable communities and prevent harassment or intimidation. The debate over the bill’s impact on free speech and transparency is expected to continue as it moves forward.

DeMaio’s full statement on AB 2624 is as follows:

“California Democrats are trying to intimidate citizen watchdog journalists and protect waste and fraud happening in far-left-wing NGOs. AB 2624 can only be described as the ‘Stop Nick Shirley Act’ — a bill designed to silence citizen journalists exposing fraud and abuse of taxpayer dollars.

Instead of fixing the fraud problems being uncovered, Sacramento politicians are trying to shut down the people exposing them.

AB 2624 would allow activists and taxpayer-funded organizations to demand the removal of video evidence — even if it captures misconduct in plain view — and threatens journalists with massive financial penalties.

That’s not about public safety — it’s about protecting powerful interests.

If this bill becomes law, the message is clear to every journalist in California: expose corruption, and you will be punished. AB 2624 is an unconstitutional direct attack on transparency and the First Amendment – and it needs to be defeated.”

The post CA Democrats Advance “Stop Nick Shirley Act” to Criminalize Investigative Journalism appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.