The slow pace drew national scrutiny after it took roughly a week for enough ballots to be counted to project the California governor’s race. In the days after the primary, critics including President Donald Trump, election analyst Nate Silver and The New York Times editorial board pointed to the delay as a problem for public confidence in elections.

California leaders in both parties say they want faster results. But Democratic officials, who control state government, have shown little interest in major changes if those changes would make it harder for voters to participate.

The central issue is California’s heavy use of mail voting. Large numbers of ballots arrive on Election Day or shortly before, leaving county election offices with a surge of envelopes to process after polls close. That dynamic affects counties across the state, including Southern California and the Inland Empire, where mail voting has become a routine part of elections.

Assemblymember Gail Pellerin, a Santa Cruz Democrat who chairs the Assembly elections committee and previously served as a county registrar, said faster election-night results would come with tradeoffs. She warned that the state would have to return to more in-person voting, set much earlier mail ballot deadlines or take other steps that could leave some voters out.

Secretary of State Shirley Weber has also emphasized accuracy over speed. In April, she told CalMatters that accuracy is “far more important,” and she dismissed some of the criticism of slow results as a political talking point amplified by Trump.

Mail ballots generally take more time, staffing and money to handle than ballots cast in person. County election offices must manage the workload with limited resources, and the Public Policy Institute of California has reported that counties do not receive enough funding to hire the additional workers that could help speed up processing.

Unlike some other states, California does not provide counties with ongoing state funding dedicated to election administration. That leaves local registrars to balance voter access, accuracy and staffing constraints within their existing budgets.

Eric McGhee, a senior fellow at the Public Policy Institute of California, said county election officials are doing what they can with the money available to them, but the volume of work is significant.

For now, the debate leaves California with a familiar tension: voters and political observers want quicker answers, but the systems that have expanded access to the ballot — particularly widespread mail voting — are also part of what slows the final count.

Original source: CalMatters

The post California Democrats Seek Faster Election Results but Warn Changes Could Hurt Voters appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.

Hilton, a British American former Fox News host, had about 25% of the vote in the June 2 primary, with roughly 88% of ballots counted as of Tuesday night. Under California’s top-two primary system, the two candidates with the most votes move on to the November ballot regardless of party affiliation.

Becerra, a Democrat and former California attorney general who later served as U.S. Health and Human Services secretary, emerged from a crowded field of Democratic contenders.

In a statement, Hilton said he would lead a “movement for change” in California and portrayed Becerra as a continuation of what he described as years of Democratic control in Sacramento.

“My mission is clear: go to Sacramento, end the corruption, cut your costs, help your businesses and improve our schools,” Hilton said. “We cannot keep voting the same way and expect different results.”

Hilton’s second-place finish shuts billionaire Democrat Tom Steyer out of the November race, despite Steyer spending $215 million of his own money on a populist campaign that heavily advertised across the state. His defeat turns the general election into a more traditional partisan contest during a midterm election year, rather than the all-Democratic showdown Steyer’s supporters had hoped for.

Steyer conceded Tuesday night and endorsed Becerra for November. In his statement, he said he was proud to have angered utility companies, technology firms and major oil interests, and said he did not blame voters who “simply could not bring themselves to vote for a billionaire.”

“It is absolutely essential that Trump’s handpicked candidate not be given the keys to California,” Steyer said, referring to Hilton.

With several Democrats splitting the vote, Hilton led polling for much of the primary campaign. He appealed to conservative voters by promising to cut income taxes and the gas tax, expand oil drilling and roll back environmental regulations, including state greenhouse gas reduction mandates.

Hilton has framed his campaign as a chance for Californians facing high costs to end what he calls “16 years of one-party rule.” Former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, the last Republican to lead California, left office in 2011.

“The people of California have been very generous in giving the Democratic Party the opportunity to show that their ideas work,” Hilton said last week during a Sacramento news conference where he declared victory early. “I think patience is running out.”

Still, Hilton faces steep odds in November. Democrats outnumber Republicans in California by nearly two to one. While Hilton argues that voters are ready for a different course, Republican candidates have routinely reached the general election for governor over the past two decades, and Democrats have won every race except Schwarzenegger’s.

Hilton also has the endorsement of President Donald Trump, who remains deeply unpopular among California voters. Hilton has not distanced himself from that support.

“I think it will be very helpful for Californians to have a governor who has a good working relationship with the president and his team,” Hilton said.

Hilton’s central campaign pledge is to eliminate the state income tax on the first $100,000 of income and create a flat tax rate for earnings above that amount. Last week, he said his campaign would consider raising that threshold after reviewing California’s cost of living. Either proposal would significantly reduce state revenue, which Hilton has said he would offset by cutting one-third of state spending.

He has not detailed how he would win approval for such a plan from a Legislature controlled by Democratic supermajorities.

Hilton was born in London to Hungarian immigrant parents. He began his political career with Britain’s Conservative Party and played a prominent role in the rise of Prime Minister David Cameron in 2010. In 2012, he moved to Silicon Valley, where his wife worked as a Google executive, and later entered the startup world. He launched a weekly Fox News program, “The Next Revolution,” in 2017 during Trump’s first presidency. The show aired until 2023.

Original source: CalMatters

The post Republican Steve Hilton to Face Becerra in November Race for California Governor appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.

Becerra, a former California attorney general and former U.S. health secretary, had nearly 27% of the vote from the June 2 primary when The Associated Press called the race Friday afternoon, with roughly two-thirds of ballots counted. If elected in November, he would become California’s first Latino governor in more than a century and the first Latino ever elected to the office, a milestone his campaign has emphasized as historic.

His opponent in the general election was not immediately settled. Early returns showed Republican Steve Hilton likely to advance with more than 26% of the vote, while Democrat Tom Steyer trailed with about 21%. More than 3 million ballots remained uncounted, and late-counted ballots in California often lean Democratic because many Democratic voters submit mail ballots close to Election Day.

California’s primary system sends the top two vote-getters to the November ballot regardless of party, meaning the final contest could take very different shapes depending on who finishes second.

If Hilton advances, Becerra would enter the fall campaign with a strong partisan advantage. Democrats outnumber Republicans in California by nearly 2 to 1, and Hilton has been endorsed by President Donald Trump, who remains deeply unpopular with many California voters.

If Steyer overtakes Hilton, the November race could become an expensive and divisive contest between two wings of the Democratic Party. Steyer, a former hedge fund manager, major Democratic donor and climate activist, has run as a progressive and has drawn support from allies of Bernie Sanders. He also spent hundreds of millions of dollars from his personal fortune during the primary.

Becerra, by contrast, has been backed by much of the Democratic establishment, along with major support and financial help from labor unions and business groups.

For much of the campaign, Becerra appeared to be a long shot, polling in single digits as other Democrats drew more attention. His standing improved after the political decline of former front-runner Eric Swalwell, as establishment Democrats increasingly coalesced around Becerra instead of former Rep. Katie Porter or Steyer, who ran as a political outsider.

The turnaround was striking for a soft-spoken career politician who had previously been grouped among lower-polling Democrats. At one point, California Democratic Party Chairman Rusty Hicks publicly urged candidates in that tier to leave the race.

“Guess what? The underdog stayed in the fight,” Becerra told supporters at an election night gathering Tuesday in Los Angeles, describing his near-victory as an example of “the everyday miracle” of a state where the unlikely can become expected.

The general election comes at a consequential moment for California, including Southern California and the Inland Empire, where residents continue to face steep housing costs, high utility bills, expensive gasoline and growing insurance challenges tied to wildfire risk. State leaders also face an unstable budget, looming federal reductions to California’s large health care system and economic strains connected to immigration enforcement.

So far, Becerra has not laid out a major break from the policies of Gov. Gavin Newsom, who is completing his second term. To address affordability, Becerra has said he would declare a state of emergency to freeze utility and homeowners insurance rates while examining why they have risen. He also has said he would enforce existing housing laws to ensure local governments plan for new construction.

Like other California Democrats, Becerra has said he supports reducing greenhouse gas emissions and moving toward cleaner energy while keeping gasoline prices affordable.

Becerra, the son of Mexican immigrants, grew up in Sacramento and began his political career in the 1990s. A young attorney, he won a Los Angeles-area seat in the state Legislature before being elected to Congress two years later. He served in the House for 24 years before being appointed California attorney general in 2017 during Trump’s first administration. He later served as secretary of health and human services under President Joe Biden.

During the primary, Becerra faced criticism over his record in federal office. Some Democratic leaders revived complaints about his leadership during the COVID-19 pandemic. Primary opponents also repeatedly pointed to his agency’s role in placing large numbers of migrant children in homes before some were later found working in dangerous or exploitative jobs.

Steyer, in particular, also attacked Becerra over the surge of donations from corporations and special interests that helped boost his campaign in the final weeks of the race.

Hilton has sought to channel Republican frustration over California’s high cost of living and regulatory climate, portraying Becerra as a continuation of the Newsom era. Becerra has offered few major policy departures from Newsom and, during a debate, said he would give the governor an “A” for effort on homelessness, even as the number of unhoused residents has risen sharply over Newsom’s two terms.

Becerra has largely answered criticism by emphasizing his decades in government and his record suing the Trump administration when he served as California attorney general.

“You can make all those big, exaggerated promises,” Becerra said this week in a comment aimed at critics such as Steyer. “But what matters is delivering.”

Original source: CalMatters

The post Democrat Xavier Becerra Advances to November Race for California Governor appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.

The reaction followed early results in California’s top-two primary system, where all candidates appear on the same ballot and the two highest vote-getters advance to the general election regardless of party. Republican Steve Hilton, a British-born former Fox News commentator, initially led a large field of 61 candidates for governor.

In Los Angeles, Republican Spencer Pratt also drew attention when early results showed him in second place in the mayor’s race after a campaign that included a series of artificial intelligence-generated parody videos targeting Mayor Karen Bass.

But as county election offices continued to count ballots, the standings shifted. Pratt later fell to third place. By Monday, Hilton remained in second place in the governor’s race, behind Democratic frontrunner Xavier Becerra, though his margin over billionaire Democrat Tom Steyer had narrowed to about five percentage points. The final outcome remained uncertain.

The changing numbers prompted complaints from some conservative media figures, podcasters and social media users about the length of California’s ballot-counting process. Some went further, alleging fraud without presenting evidence.

President Donald Trump joined those accusations during an interview aired Sunday on NBC’s “Meet the Press,” accusing California election officials of “cheating” because ballots were still being counted.

When interviewer Kristen Welker asked whether he had evidence, Trump responded, “All I have to do is look.”

Welker pressed him, noting that California’s vote-counting process routinely takes time. Trump rejected that explanation and called the elections “rigged,” also attacking NBC and the program. He eventually ended the interview, removed his microphone and left.

Other Republican officials amplified concerns about the count. House Speaker Mike Johnson said Monday that “everybody knows instinctively something is wrong.” On Friday, Assistant U.S. Attorney Bill Essayli posted on X that federal prosecutors were working with the FBI on “multiple election fraud investigations,” but he did not provide details.

There has been no public evidence presented showing widespread fraud in California’s primary.

California’s vote count often stretches for days or weeks because of the state’s election rules, especially its heavy reliance on mail ballots. The process has grown more time-consuming as lawmakers expanded access to voting over several decades.

Those changes were largely championed by Democrats, who have argued that easier access to ballots increases participation. Critics have long contended that the system benefits Democratic candidates in close races, but a slow count itself is not evidence of illegal activity.

The modern shift began after Democrats suffered a series of legislative setbacks in the late 1970s. Following the 1980 census, Democratic leaders redrew legislative and congressional districts and made absentee voting by mail more widely available.

That expansion did not immediately deliver the advantage Democrats expected. In 1982, Republicans made effective use of absentee ballots, helping George Deukmejian narrowly defeat Los Angeles Mayor Tom Bradley in the governor’s race despite polls that had suggested Bradley was favored to win.

Over time, California continued to broaden voter access. The state adopted automatic voter registration through the Department of Motor Vehicles and allowed voters to register on Election Day. The 2016 Voter Choice Act further encouraged mail voting while reducing the number of traditional polling places in participating counties.

Since the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, California has mailed ballots automatically to all registered voters. That change dramatically increased the number of mail ballots that county election workers must verify and process.

Election experts Eric McGhee of the Public Policy Institute of California and Mindy Romero of USC’s Center for Inclusive Democracy recently noted that the added volume has slowed the count. Each mail ballot requires signature verification to confirm that it was submitted by the proper voter, a security step intended to strengthen confidence in election results.

That safeguard, however, also contributes to the delay that critics have seized on to question the count.

The result is a recurring tension in California elections: rules designed to make voting more accessible and secure also make final results slower to arrive. As close races continue to develop after election night, the drawn-out process has increasingly become a target for political attacks and unsupported claims of fraud.

Original source: CalMatters

The post Trump Allies Amplify Unfounded Claims of California Voter Fraud appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.

Democrat Xavier Becerra was running in second place behind Republican Steve Hilton in the most recent count, while progressive billionaire Tom Steyer trailed in third. That positioning would ensure at least one Democrat advances to November, averting what had been a politically alarming possibility for the party: two Republicans moving forward in one of the most Democratic states in the country.

But the way the race arrived at this point has renewed concerns about whether California’s primary system is producing healthy democratic outcomes.

For much of the campaign, Democrat Eric Swalwell had been a leading contender. He left the race after multiple women accused him of sexual misconduct, including one allegation under investigation by the Manhattan District Attorney. Whether the timing of those allegations was driven by political strategy or by the normal pace of reporting and corroboration, the result was unmistakable: the race was upended, the Democratic field shifted quickly, and the party narrowly avoided a disastrous general-election matchup.

That kind of volatility, critics argue, is not evidence of a strong system. It reflects a political structure shaped by low-turnout primaries, crowded fields and enormous campaign spending — conditions that can leave major decisions in the hands of a relatively small slice of the electorate.

The eventual first-place finisher in the primary may do so with roughly a quarter of the vote. In a state where primary turnout often includes only about 20% of eligible voters, that means a candidate can effectively lead the field with the active support of only a small fraction of Californians.

For voters across Southern California and the Inland Empire, the consequences are not abstract. The state’s political system continues to struggle with issues that dominate daily life: housing costs, utility bills, school funding challenges and growing wildfire risk. Those problems persist not because policy options are unknown, but because the incentives facing elected officials often reward partisan loyalty, donor support and base turnout more than broad public problem-solving.

One proposed change is ranked-choice voting, which allows voters to rank candidates in order of preference rather than choosing only one. Supporters say it reduces the chance that a candidate wins with a narrow plurality after similar candidates split the vote.

Another model would allow the top five primary finishers to advance to the general election, where voters would then use ranked-choice ballots to determine the winner. Advocates say such a system would make it more likely that California elects a governor with broader majority support.

Alaska has adopted a version of this approach, sending the top four primary candidates to the general election and using ranked-choice voting to select the winner. Voters there approved the system six years ago and rejected an attempt to repeal it in 2024.

Still, election mechanics alone may not solve California’s deeper civic problem. A better ballot does not automatically persuade disengaged voters to participate. Many Californians skip primaries because they do not believe voting will produce visible results on the issues that matter to them.

That points to a larger challenge: the weakening of civic institutions that once connected residents to government. Unions, religious congregations, neighborhood groups, veterans’ organizations and other trusted local networks historically helped voters understand candidates, organize around shared concerns and hold officeholders accountable.

Rebuilding that kind of civic infrastructure may be as important as changing the ballot itself. Without stronger public engagement, California may continue to depend on luck, scandals or fragmented vote totals to avoid troubling political outcomes.

The latest governor’s race may have spared Democrats their worst-case scenario. But narrowly escaping a political crisis is not the same as fixing the system that made it possible.

Original source: CalMatters

The post California Governor’s Race Raises Concerns About Democracy’s Resilience appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.

Early returns showed Republican Steve Hilton and Democrat Xavier Becerra in position to advance to the November general election for governor, though ballots remained to be counted. Liberal billionaire Tom Steyer was running third and had not conceded, saying the race should wait until every ballot is tallied.

Several Democrats ended their campaigns, including former Rep. Katie Porter, who had once been viewed as a leading contender. Porter acknowledged the difficulty of falling short but urged supporters to remain engaged in the political process.

In other statewide races, early results showed Democrat Fiona Ma and Republican Gloria Romero leading in the lieutenant governor’s race. Democrats Jane Kim and Ben Allen were ahead in the contest for insurance commissioner.

One Inland Empire candidate was also drawing statewide attention: Sonja Shaw, president of the Chino Valley Unified school board, was leading in the race for superintendent of public instruction along with Richard Barrera, a San Diego Unified school board member.

In the treasurer’s race, Democrat Eleni Kounalakis advanced and could face Republican Jennifer Hawks in November. Democratic incumbents Rob Bonta, Shirley Weber and Malia Cohen also moved forward in their reelection bids for attorney general, secretary of state and controller. Their Republican challengers are Michael Gates, Don Wagner and Herb Morgan, respectively.

California’s congressional races were also reshaped by Proposition 50, which redrew districts in a way that favored Democrats and reduced the number of competitive races between the two major parties. Still, several contests are expected to remain closely watched through November.

Only two congressional races are considered strongly competitive between Democrats and Republicans. In the Central Valley, Republican Rep. David Valadao advanced, while Democrats Jasmeet Bains, a state assemblymember, and Randy Villegas, a progressive newcomer, were still competing for the second November slot. In San Diego County, Republican Supervisor Jim Desmond and Democratic San Diego City Councilmember Marni von Wilpert advanced to the general election.

For Inland Empire voters, one of the most significant congressional developments came in the 40th District, where Republican Rep. Ken Calvert, the longest-serving GOP member of California’s congressional delegation, is expected to face fellow Republican Rep. Young Kim after the district was altered under the new maps.

Other closely watched congressional races include the Sacramento-area 7th District, where longtime Democratic Rep. Doris Matsui may face a serious intraparty challenge from Sacramento City Councilmember Mai Vang. In San Francisco’s 11th District, the race to succeed former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi could come down to state Sen. Scott Wiener and San Francisco Supervisor Connie Chan, who received Pelosi’s endorsement.

In the Sacramento suburbs, Rep. Kevin Kiley, who left the Republican Party in March and is running as an independent in a different district, led early returns in the 6th District. Republican Michael Stansfield and Democrat Richard Pan, a former state senator, followed. In California’s rural north, former Assembly Republican Leader James Gallagher and former Senate President Pro Tem Mike McGuire advanced in the 1st District.

At the state Capitol, Democrats appeared likely to maintain control of the Legislature, where the entire Assembly and half of the Senate are on the ballot this year. Many races had already produced apparent top-two matchups within hours of polls closing, though several districts remained unsettled.

In the 4th Senate District, which includes the politically mixed Sierra foothills, incumbent Marie Alvarado-Gil, a former Democrat now running as a Republican, trailed Republican farmer Alexandra Duarte and Democratic Tuolumne County Supervisor Jaron Brandon in early returns.

Assembly Republican Leader Heath Flora, who had lost support from some key GOP groups in his district, held a narrow lead over Democrat Matthew Adams, a teacher. Republican trucker Jim Shoemaker was close behind.

In San Diego County’s 40th Senate District, Republican Kristie Bruce-Lane held an edge over fellow Republican Ed Musgrove for the chance to face Democrat Mara Elliott in November. The race has reflected a divide within the state GOP, with establishment Republicans backing Musgrove and conservative firebrand Carl DeMaio supporting Bruce-Lane.

Beyond the election results, lawmakers in Sacramento advanced a series of bills aimed at strengthening California’s DUI laws and cracking down on reckless driving. Eight of 17 measures introduced this year remain alive in the Legislature, with some moving further than similar proposals have in the past. The legislation followed an investigative series examining weaknesses in the state’s response to repeat DUI offenders and dangerous drivers.

Original source: CalMatters

The post California Election Results: Key Overnight Developments You May Have Missed appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.

In the race for governor, Republican Steve Hilton, a former Fox News host and British political adviser, and Democrat Xavier Becerra, a longtime California political figure, were holding the two spots needed to advance to the November general election. Billionaire Democratic donor and former hedge fund manager Tom Steyer remained in third place, trailing by a significant margin but not yet mathematically eliminated. The Associated Press had not called the race.

Final results could take weeks as counties continue processing ballots. Still, several themes were already emerging from Tuesday’s vote.

One of the clearest lessons was that personal wealth does not guarantee electoral success.

Steyer poured nearly a quarter-billion dollars into his self-funded campaign for governor, a record-setting amount meant to boost his populist message across California. But the spending did not translate into a commanding finish.

Garry South, a longtime Democratic strategist in California, said wealthy candidates can sometimes hurt themselves by overwhelming voters with advertising.

Other self-funded candidates also struggled. Patrick Wolff spent $600,000 of his own money in the insurance commissioner race. Yvonne Yiu put $750,000 into her campaign for the state Board of Equalization. Saikat Chakrabarti financed much of his multimillion-dollar campaign to succeed Nancy Pelosi in Congress. In Los Angeles, Zach Sokoloff contributed $1 million of his own money to challenge the sitting city controller, with additional millions coming from his mother.

Chakrabarti failed to finish in the top two, with state Sen. Scott Wiener and San Francisco Supervisor Connie Chan leading that contest. As of Wednesday morning, Wolff, Yiu and Sokoloff were also trailing in their respective races.

The election also appeared to favor familiar Democratic figures over insurgent or anti-establishment candidates.

Andrew Sinclair, a political science professor at Claremont McKenna College, said many Democratic voters seemed to be looking for experienced officeholders they believed could stand up to Trump and Republicans.

That dynamic helped Becerra rise after former front-runner Eric Swalwell’s campaign collapsed. Swalwell had been widely known as a veteran Democratic politician and vocal Trump critic. After he fell back, Becerra — a former congressman, California attorney general and federal health secretary — became a logical landing place for many Democratic voters.

Steyer’s status as a billionaire made him vulnerable to criticism, and some Democrats worried that a divided field could allow Republicans to capture both spots on the November ballot. That concern may have encouraged voters to consolidate behind the Democrat who appeared strongest in polling.

Several Democratic members of Congress also seemed to be holding off younger, more progressive challengers, including Mike Thompson, Brad Sherman and Doris Matsui, who were either leading their races or keeping challengers in second place.

Despite California’s top-two primary system, party labels continue to matter.

The system, adopted by voters in 2010, allows all candidates to run on the same primary ballot regardless of party, with the top two vote-getters advancing to November. Supporters said it would encourage less partisan campaigning and appeal to moderate voters.

But in statewide races, the system has rarely erased traditional partisan patterns. California has never had a governor’s race in November featuring two Democrats, despite speculation in past cycles that it could happen. This year, as in previous elections, Democratic and Republican voters largely appeared to rally around candidates from their own parties.

The races for lieutenant governor and treasurer were also shaping up as Democrat-versus-Republican contests. The main exception appeared to be the insurance commissioner race, where Democrats Jane Kim and state Sen. Ben Allen were on track for the two November spots as of Wednesday.

For Democrats, one major fear did not materialize: a Republican shutout of the governor’s race.

With a crowded field of Democrats and no single candidate dominating early, party leaders had worried that Hilton and Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, the two most prominent Republicans in the race, could finish first and second under the top-two system. Such an outcome would have left Democrats without a candidate in the November governor’s race in one of the nation’s bluest states.

State Democratic Party Chair Rusty Hicks commissioned polling in an effort to persuade some lower-polling Democrats to leave the race. Nearly all stayed in. But early returns suggested Democratic voters either coordinated enough to avoid the risk or that the feared scenario was never as likely as some party officials believed.

Democrats have worried about similar situations before. In 2018, crowded Democratic congressional fields raised fears that Republicans could win both general election slots in competitive districts, but that did not happen. Democrats later benefited from a strong general election performance in that year’s “blue wave.” During the 2021 recall election, Democrats also feared a procedural opening for a Republican candidate, but Gov. Gavin Newsom defeated the recall by a wide margin.

One of the most notable recent top-two surprises went the other way. In a conservative Sierra foothills state Senate district in 2022, a crowded Republican field split the vote and allowed two Democrats to advance. The winner, Sen. Marie Alvarado-Gil, later switched parties and joined the Republicans. As of early Wednesday, she was running third in her re-election race behind Democrat Jaron Brandon and Republican Alexandra Duarte.

The election brought mixed results for state lawmakers seeking higher or different office.

Former Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon, once one of the most powerful figures in Sacramento, was in fourth place in the race for state superintendent of public instruction, a largely nonpartisan office. State Sen. Anna Caballero, a Merced Democrat and former chair of the Senate Appropriations Committee, was far behind Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis and Republican Jennifer Hawks in the treasurer’s race.

Assemblymember Jasmeet Bains, a moderate Democrat, was also trailing in her Central Valley campaign against Republican Rep. David Valadao, with college professor Randy Villegas, backed by Sen. Bernie Sanders, holding the second-place position. Former state Sen. Steven Bradford was in eighth place in the insurance commissioner contest.

But other state legislators had stronger nights. Allen was in second place in the insurance commissioner race, while Wiener and state Sen. Aisha Wahab, both Bay Area Democrats, were leading their congressional contests.

As election officials continue counting ballots, the broad outlines of Tuesday’s vote are becoming clearer: California voters rewarded political familiarity, resisted several heavily self-funded campaigns and once again showed that the state’s top-two system has not erased the power of party identity.

Original source: CalMatters

The post What to Watch in California’s Elections, From Congress to the Governor’s Race appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.

The insurance commissioner oversees the nation’s largest property insurance market, including homeowners and auto coverage, as well as health, life, pet, rideshare and workers’ compensation insurance. But in recent years, the office has been defined largely by the struggle to keep home and fire insurance available and affordable as wildfire risk grows.

The next commissioner will inherit a volatile market. Several insurers that had stopped writing new policies or declined to renew existing ones are now operating under new state regulations that allow them to use additional tools when setting rates. Those changes are expected to help companies account for wildfire risk, but they also are likely to mean higher premiums for many policyholders as the Department of Insurance continues weighing and approving requests for residential rate increases.

The issue is especially pressing in Southern California, where the aftermath of last year’s Los Angeles County wildfires continues to affect residents trying to rebuild. Delays and denials in insurance claims have been cited as major obstacles to recovery. State Farm, California’s largest individual insurer, and the FAIR Plan, the state’s insurer of last resort for fire coverage, are facing lawsuits from homeowners and legal action from the Department of Insurance over their handling of claims tied to those fires.

The leading Democratic candidates include state Sen. Ben Allen, who is termed out of the Legislature; Jane Kim, a California Working Families Party leader and former member of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors; Patrick Wolff, a financial analyst who has not held elected office; and Steven Bradford, a former state senator and assemblymember. The top Republican candidates also have not held statewide office: Stacy Korsgaden, a longtime insurance agent, and Merritt Farren, an attorney who lost his home in last year’s Palisades fire.

Candidates interviewed by CalMatters largely agreed on the scale of the insurance problems facing California but differed on how best to respond. Some have called for a larger state role in the market. Kim has proposed creating a state wildfire and flood authority funded by a portion of policyholders’ premiums. Farren supports forming a state reinsurance authority funded through a fee insurers charge policyholders, an idea that Kim and Allen also have expressed interest in exploring. Bradford has said he would examine a public-private partnership aimed at keeping insurers active in California.

Consumer advocates and former insurance commissioners say the job requires a difficult balancing act: protecting homeowners, business owners, landlords and renters while ensuring insurers can charge rates that reflect California’s increasing wildfire exposure.

U.S. Rep. John Garamendi, a Democrat whose district includes much of Contra Costa and Solano counties, was California’s first insurance commissioner and served in the position twice. He told CalMatters the role is complex, demanding and detail-heavy — a description that reflects the challenges awaiting the next person to hold the office.

Original source: CalMatters

The post California to Choose Next Insurance Commissioner Amid Wildfire Crisis appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.

Ten candidates are competing for the nonpartisan office, which oversees California’s roughly 10,000 public K-12 schools. The next superintendent will take office at a pivotal moment for education, as districts contend with artificial intelligence in classrooms, uncertain state funding, declining enrollment, uneven test scores and other pressures affecting schools from the Inland Empire to the Bay Area.

The future authority of the office is also uncertain. In January, Gov. Gavin Newsom proposed changing California’s education governance structure in a way that would significantly reduce the superintendent’s responsibilities. Under the proposal, more decision-making power would shift to the 11-member State Board of Education, whose members are appointed by the governor, and to a new education commissioner. The superintendent would function more as a public advocate for education policy.

Newsom has said the change would simplify a bureaucracy he has described as cumbersome and difficult to navigate, while improving transparency and accountability. He has also argued it would bring California more in line with how most other states manage education. Candidates for superintendent have sharply criticized the idea, saying it would weaken voters’ influence and concentrate too much power in the governor’s office.

Both Newsom and current Superintendent Tony Thurmond are completing their terms this year.

The race has been notably quiet compared with previous contests for the office, which have often drawn major spending and sharp debates over charter schools. In an April statewide survey by the Public Policy Institute of California, no candidate had more than 10% support, and 32% of voters remained undecided. As of last week, no candidate had raised more than a few hundred thousand dollars.

That is a sharp contrast with the 2018 race between Thurmond and Marshall Tuck, a former charter school executive, which drew more than $50 million in contributions.

This year, one of the biggest surprises has been the alignment of two groups that have historically been on opposite sides of California’s education battles. The California Teachers Association and the California Charter Schools Association both endorsed Richard Barrera, a San Diego Unified School District board member who was not widely known outside San Diego before the campaign. Both organizations cited his record on the school board and his support for public education.

The joint endorsement reflects a shift in the politics surrounding the superintendent’s race. For much of the past two decades, charter schools dominated campaigns for the office and helped drive millions of dollars in spending. This year, the issue has received far less attention, likely because charter school enrollment appears to have leveled off and both charter and traditional public schools are facing many of the same challenges.

Another closely watched candidate is Sonja Shaw, president of the Chino Valley Unified School District board in San Bernardino County. Shaw drew statewide attention in 2023 after clashing with Thurmond over privacy rights for transgender students. She has centered her campaign on policies opposing LGBTQ+ protections in schools. In the April poll, Shaw was tied with Barrera.

Other prominent candidates include Assemblymember Al Muratsuchi, a former chair of the Assembly Education Committee; Josh Newman, a former chair of the Senate Education Committee; Anthony Rendon, a former Assembly speaker and longtime early childhood education program administrator; Nichelle Henderson, a member of the Los Angeles Community College District Board of Trustees; and Ainye Long, a teacher in the San Francisco Unified School District.

The state superintendent position is nonpartisan and pays $210,460 a year.

Original source: CalMatters

The post Voters to Decide Who Will Lead California’s Public Schools as State Superintendent appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.

Ten candidates are running for the nonpartisan office, including several longtime state lawmakers and local education leaders. The top two vote-getters will move on to the November election.

The race comes at a difficult moment for public education in California. School systems are facing budget uncertainty, declining enrollment, uneven academic performance, questions about artificial intelligence in classrooms and other pressures affecting campuses from San Bernardino and Riverside counties to Los Angeles, Orange and San Diego.

The future of the office itself is also uncertain. In January, Gov. Gavin Newsom proposed a major restructuring of California’s education governance system that would reduce the superintendent’s authority. Under his plan, most decision-making power would shift to the governor-appointed State Board of Education and a newly appointed education commissioner, while the superintendent would serve more as a public policy advocate.

Newsom has said the change would make the state’s education bureaucracy more transparent and accountable while bringing California closer to how many other states oversee schools. Candidates in the race have criticized the proposal, arguing it would weaken voters’ role in choosing education leadership and give too much power to the governor’s office.

Newsom and current Superintendent Tony Thurmond are both termed out this year.

Unlike past superintendent campaigns, this year’s contest has been relatively quiet. An April poll showed no candidate with more than 10% support, while 32% of voters remained undecided. As of last week, no candidate had raised more than a few hundred thousand dollars. That is a sharp contrast to the 2018 race between Thurmond and former charter school executive Marshall Tuck, which drew more than $50 million in contributions.

One of the most notable developments this year has been the shared endorsement of Richard Barrera, a San Diego Unified school board member, by both the California Teachers Association and the California Charter Schools Association. The two groups have historically been on opposite sides of some of the most expensive and bitter education campaigns in the state.

Their joint support reflects a shift in the politics surrounding charter schools. For much of the past two decades, charter school policy was a defining issue in superintendent races and a major source of campaign spending. This year, it has drawn far less attention, as charter enrollment appears to have leveled off and traditional public schools and charter schools face many of the same statewide challenges.

Also drawing attention is Sonja Shaw, president of the Chino Valley Unified School District board in San Bernardino County. Shaw became a prominent figure in statewide education politics in 2023 after clashing with Thurmond over policies involving transgender students’ privacy rights. She has centered her campaign on opposition to LGBTQ-related school policies. In the April poll, she was tied with Barrera.

Other leading candidates include Assemblymember Al Muratsuchi, a former chair of the Assembly Education Committee; Josh Newman, a former chair of the Senate Education Committee; Anthony Rendon, a former Assembly speaker and longtime early education administrator; Nichelle Henderson, a Los Angeles Community College District board member; and Ainye Long, a teacher in San Francisco Unified.

The state superintendent’s job pays $210,460 a year.

Original source: CalMatters

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