This extension of survivor benefits is effective immediately. Eligible survivors can apply for these benefits here, and more information about this announcement can be found here.

“VA is closing a gap in benefits for surviving spouses of LGBTQ+ Veterans, righting a wrong that is a legacy of the discriminatory federal ban on same-sex marriages,” said VA Secretary Denis McDonough. “It is VA’s mission to serve all Veterans – including LGTBQ+ Veterans – as well as they’ve served our country, and this decision is a key part of that effort.”

Due to bans on same-sex marriages, many LGBTQ+ Veterans were unable to get married until Obergefell v. Hodges (6/26/2015) despite being in “marriage-type” relationships long before that. This wrongly precluded many survivors of those LGBTQ+ Veterans from becoming eligible for survivor benefits because their Veteran spouse died before the marriage met VA’s length-of-marriage requirements (one-year for survivor benefits, eight-years for a higher rate of benefits). This decision addresses that problem by counting the duration of marriage from when the surviving spouse can establish a “marriage-type” relationship — such as a commitment ceremony, joint banking account, or joint purchase of a house. Importantly, these benefits are not retroactive.

VA is committed to delivering world-class care and benefits to LGBTQ+ Veterans. As a part of this effort, last year, VA began providing benefits to Veterans who were given “Other Than Honorable” discharges due to their sexual orientation.

LGBTQ+ Veterans can learn more about VA’s current health offerings on the LGBTQ+ Health Program website.  

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GRAND ISLAND, Neb. (AP) — Administrators at a Nebraska school shuttered the school’s award-winning student newspaper just days after its last edition that included articles and editorials on LGBTQ issues, leading press freedom advocates to call the move an act of censorship.

The staff of Northwest Public Schools’ 54-year-old Saga newspaper was informed on May 19 of the paper’s elimination, the Grand Island Independent reported. Three days earlier, the newspaper had printed its June edition, which included an article titled, “Pride and prejudice: LGBTQIA+” on the origins of Pride Month and the history of homophobia. It also included an editorial opposing a Florida law that bans some lessons on sexual orientation and gender identity and dubbed by critics as “Don’t Say Gay.”

Officials overseeing the district, which is based in Grand Island, have not said when or why the decision was made to eliminate the student paper. But an email from a school employee to the Independent cancelling the student paper’s printing services on May 22 said it was “because the school board and superintendent are unhappy with the last issue’s editorial content.”

The paper’s demise also came a month after its staff was reprimanded for publishing students’ preferred pronouns and names. District officials told students they could only use names assigned at birth going forward.

Emma Smith, Saga’s assistant editor in 2022, said the student paper was informed that the ban on preferred names was made by the school board. That decision directly affected Saga staff writer Marcus Pennell, a transgender student, who saw his byline changed against his wishes to his birth name of “Meghan” Pennell in the June issue.

“It was the first time that the school had officially been, like, ‘We don’t really want you here,’” Pennell said. “You know, that was a big deal for me.”

Northwest Principal P.J. Smith referred the Independent’s questions to district superintendent Jeff Edwards, who declined to answer the questions of when and why the student paper was eliminated, saying only that it was “an administrative decision.”

Some school board members have made no secret of their objection to the Saga’s LGBTQ content, including board president Dan Leiser, who said “most people were upset” with it.

Board vice president Zach Mader directly cited the pro-LGBTQ editorials, adding that if district taxpayer had read the last issue of the Saga, “they would have been like, ‘Holy cow. What is going on at our school?’”

“It sounds like a ham-fisted attempt to censor students and discriminate based on disagreement with perspectives and articles that were featured in the student newspaper,” said Sara Rips, an attorney for the Nebraska chapter of the American Civil Liberties Union.

Nebraska Press Association attorney Max Kautsch, who specializes in media law in Nebraska and Kansas, noted that press freedom is protected in the U.S. Constitution.

“The decision by the administration to eliminate the student newspaper violates students’ right to free speech, unless the school can show a legitimate educational reason for removing the option to participate in a class … that publishes award-winning material,” Kautsch said. “It is hard to imagine what that legitimate reason could be.”

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If belly laughs could help lose weight, this effort is a guaranteed loss of 50 pounds. Young director Sarah Gibbon has managed to bring together the most unlikely group of characters from straight, bi-sexual and LGBTQ in the most delightful farce you are likely to see in a season. Set in York, Pennsylvania, circa 1958 you know from the beginning it is going to be somewhat hokey – and it is, in a nice way.

Two broken down Shakespearean actors, Leo (Joshua Somers) and Jack (Adam Fagaly), happen on to a newspaper notice that an old lady, worth millions, is soon to be facing her maker. She has (they assume) two nephews named Max and Steve, that she hasn’t seen since they were young boys. A niece, Meg, lives with her. The three are due to inherit a million dollars each when she boards the plane that will take her to her heavenly future.

When the two pretenders arrive on the scene, the doctor who has now declared her deceased is shocked to find out that when she hears the good news that Max and Steve have been located and will arrive, she is suddenly very much alive.

Upon their arrival they quickly discover that the two are really females whose names are Maxine and Stephanie. Being actors with tremendous ingenuity they just as rapidly become Maxine and Stephanie. Their drag is hilarious. Through the fast paced two acts, the two bounce back and forth between Leo and Jack, and Maxine and Stephanie, claiming to be friends of the two sisters.

Meg (Gisel Murillo) is engaged to Duncan, a Black preacher (J. Kay Weldon) who, from the onset believes the two are intruders and is determined to have them exposed and put away, so he can marry Meg and share the $3,000,000 inheritance when the old lady, Florence (Cheri Gilbert) kicks the bucket.

The day before the wedding, two “new” nephews arrive to claim their millions. Duncan calls the Chief of Police to arrest the two already there. Gunshots are heard. The newbies are actually crooks who die in a gun battle with the cops. Duncan is dismayed. However, when he marries Meg he will still share $1,000,000 with her (or so he thinks). His only hope for riches disappears when Meg decides she will not marry him because she is love with Leo.

Audrey and Jack are in Love. Florence was onto the pair from the beginning but she took a liking to them and all was forgiven.

Farce, though it may be, it is a must see for anyone who enjoys live theater. I laughed so hard I almost pee’d my pants.

The cast was brilliant as was the set designs, construction, props, costumes, lights and sound.

Sarah Gibbons looks like a teenager but has 7 years of comedy sports/improve know-how and has been part of Pseudo Random Noise a regional improv troupe in Temecula.

There were no bad actors in this production. However, Florence (the dying millionairess) steals every scene she is in.

She is a natural and never fails to bring something new to every scene.

Go see the play!

Rusty Strait | Senior Reporter

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PRIDE is a 10-week health education program focused on reducing health care disparities among Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Queer Veterans.

“LGBTQ+ Veterans are at an increased risk for health care disparities, especially suicide, due in part to discrimination and difficulty accessing health care,” said VA clinical psychologist and creator of the PRIDE Program Tiffany Lange Psy.D. “PRIDE focuses on improving overall wellness, increasing social connectedness and empowering LGBTQ+ Veterans to engage in VHA services relevant to their personal health care needs.” Every VA hospital has an LGBTQ+ Veteran Care Coordinator onsite to assist LGBTQ+ Veterans accessing VA services available to them.

Program courses are now available at:

• Coatesville VA Medical Center Coatesville, Pa.

• G.V. (Sonny) Montgomery VAMC, Jackson, Miss.

• Greenville VA Clinic, Greenville, N.C.

• Hunter Holmes McGuire VAMC, Richmond, Va.

• Manchester VAMC, Manchester, New H.H.

• Salem VAMC, Salem, Va.

• Southern Oregon Rehabilitation Center & Clinics, White City, Ore.

• VA Eastern Colorado Health Care System, Denver, Colo.

• VA Sierra Nevada Health Care System, Reno, Nev.

• Veterans Integrated Service Network 17 Center of Excellence, Waco, Texas.

Participants report several positive outcomes resulting from PRIDE:

• Reduced likelihood of suicide attempt and suicidal behavior. • Reduced anxiety and symptoms of depression.

• Reduced concerns about identity acceptance and internalized negativity.

• Increased protective factors, such as community involvement, coping, and self-awareness.

Established in 2016, PRIDE is the first program developed to care for LGBTQ+ individuals, both within VA and in the community. The program is replicable and includes a manual to help guide new participating VAMCs. PRIDE was developed with support from the VHA Innovators Network and expansion is currently assisted by the Diffusion of Excellence and has been designated a “National Best Practice”.

There are currently more than 80 Veterans attending a PRIDE group at one of the new sites and more than 500 Veterans have been impacted by PRIDE since tracking began in 2018. The demand for the program continues to grow and VA has set the goal of implementing it in 50 VAMCs by fiscal year 2023.

The PRIDE Program is offered at 24 other facilities:

• Central Alabama VAMC-Montgomery, Montgomery, Ala. Central Texas. Healthcare System, Temple, Texas.

• Chalmers P. Wylie Ambulatory Care Center, Columbus, Ohio.

• Durham VAMC, Durham, N.C. Fayetteville VAMC, Fayetteville, N.C.

• George E. Wahlen VAMC, Salt Lake City, Utah.

• Hampton VAMC, Hampton, Va.

• Jack C. Montgomery VAMC, Muskogee, Okla.

• Oceanside VA Community-Based Outpatient Clinic (CBOC), Oceanside, Calif.

• Oklahoma City VAMC, Oklahoma City, Okla.

• Ralph H. Johnson VAMC, Charleston, S.C.

• Richard L. Roudebush VAMC, Indianapolis, Ind.

• Saginaw VA Clinic, Saginaw, Mich.

• San Diego Healthcare System, La Jolla, Calif.

• Spark M. Matsunaga VAMC, Honolulu, Hawaii.

• St. Louis VAMC-Jefferson Barracks, St. Louis, Miss.

• Tomah VAMC, Tomah, Wis.

• Tuscaloosa VAMC, Tuscaloosa, Ala.

• VA Loma Linda Health Care System, Loma Linda-Redlands, Calif.

• VA McClellan CBOC, McClellan Park, Calif.

• VA Texas Valley Coastal Bend Health Care System, Harlingen, Texas.

• VA Western Colorado Health Care System, Grand Junction, Colo.

• VISN 6 Clinical Resource Hub, Charlotte, N.C.

• W.G. (Bill) Hefner Salisbury VAMC, Salisbury, N.C.

Find an LGBTQ+ Veteran Care Coordinator or learn more about health care services for LGBTQ+ Veterans.

Office of Public and Intergovernmental Affairs | Contributed

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SAN FRANCISCO (AP) — California added five more states, including Florida, to the list of places where state-funded travel is banned because of laws that discriminate against members of the LGBTQ community, the state attorney general announced Monday.

Democratic Attorney General Rob Bonta added Florida, Arkansas, Montana, North Dakota and West Virginia to the list that now has 17 states where state employee travel is forbidden except under limited circumstances.

“Make no mistake: We’re in the midst of an unprecedented wave of bigotry and discrimination in this country — and the State of California is not going to support it,” Bonta said.

Lawmakers in 2016 banned non-essential travel to states with laws that discriminate against lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people. The 12 other states on the list are: Texas, Alabama, Idaho, Iowa, Oklahoma, South Carolina, South Dakota, Kentucky, North Carolina, Kansas, Mississippi, Tennessee.

The five states newly added to the list have introduced bills in their legislatures this year that prevent transgender women and girls from participating in school sports consistent with their gender identity, block access to health care and allow the discrimination of the LGBTQ community, Bonta said.

Florida, Montana, Arkansas, and West Virginia passed laws that prevent transgender women and girls from participating in school sports consistent with their gender identity.

North Dakota signed into law a bill allowing certain publicly-funded student organizations to restrict LGBTQ students from joining without losing funding.

Arkansas passed the first law in the nation to prohibit physicians from providing gender-affirming healthcare to transgender minors — regardless of the wishes of parents or whether a physician deems such care to be medically necessary.

These lawmakers “would rather demonize trans youth than focus on solving real issues like tackling gun violence beating back this pandemic and rebuilding our economy,” Bonta said.

The state law has exemptions for some trips, such as travel needed to enforce California law and to honor contracts signed before the states were added to the list. Travel to conferences or out-of-state training are examples of trips that can be blocked.

It’s unclear what effect California’s travel ban will have. Bonta did not have information about how many state agencies have stopped sending state employees to the states on the list or the financial impact of California’s travel ban on those states.

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SACRAMENTO, Calif. (AP) — California Gov. Gavin Newsom’s critics almost certainly have qualified a recall election for the ballot, a remarkable feat in the heavily Democratic state.

Now the real work begins.

The chance to recapture the governorship in the most populous state is an energizing prospect for Republicans who have been locked out of statewide office for more than a decade. That was when Arnold Schwarzenegger was ending a governorship that began when he ousted Democratic Gov. Gray Davis in a 2003 recall, the only successful recall of a governor in state history.

But the GOP constitutes just a quarter of voters in California and with no Schwarzenegger-like candidate who is immediately recognizable to voters, it’s an uphill climb to attract the independents and Democrats needed to recall Newsom all while keeping Republicans united. A recent poll by the Public Policy Institute of California found just 40% of Californians support recalling the first-term governor.

“If this is simply branded as a Republican effort the likelihood of success is very slim,” said Tim Rosales, a Republican consultant who was a senior adviser to the campaign of John Cox, a businessman who lost to Newsom in 2018 and is running again. His firm recently stopped working with Cox.

Beyond Cox, the top Republicans in the race so far are former San Diego Mayor Kevin Faulconer and ex-U.S. Rep. Doug Ose, who last held office in 2005. Neither is close to a household name, though Faulconer has been barnstorming the state to raise his profile.

The closest thing to Schwarzenegger this time may be reality TV star and former Olympian Caitlyn Jenner, who has said she may enter the race. She is a longtime Republican but has never sought elected office.

Stephen Puetz, the campaign manager for Faulconer, said if people are waiting for another Schwarzenegger, “they’re going to be waiting for a long time.”

Faulconer’s team says he fits the mold of a Republican who can win in a Democratic state, like Gov. Larry Hogan in Maryland or Charlie Baker in Massachusetts. He was elected mayor twice in San Diego, the eighth-largest city in the country by population and a place where Democrats outnumber Republicans.

“It’s a long race. Everyone thinks of it as short, but it’s not that short,” Puetz said, arguing that Faulconer has plenty of time to boost name recognition and energize voters.

The California Republican Party hasn’t chosen a favorite yet but Chairwoman Jessica Millan Patterson said an endorsement will come before the election, expected in the fall.

“If we can all get in agreement on a single candidate I think it works better for all of us,” she said in an interview with The Associated Press. “I’m hopeful that we find that candidate that can unite us all and say: ‘This is the best chance we have at winning.'”

But recall organizers, including the leader of the grassroots group that led the signature gathering effort, as well as the Republican Governors Association, plan to stay out of the candidate fight. Instead, they’ll focus solely on trying to convince voters to oust Newsom.

“We’re opening the door, that’s all we’re doing,” said Anne Dunsmore, a consultant for Rescue California, a committee that plans to raise money, run TV ads and conduct polling for the pro-recall campaign. “And if we don’t succeed it doesn’t matter what anybody else does.”

Recall supporters gathered 2.1 million signatures in about nine months. Next week, it’s expected enough will be verified by election officials to qualify the recall for a ballot that will ask voters two questions: Should Newsom be recalled? Who should replace him?

The votes on the second question will only be counted if a simple majority wants to remove Newsom. Then the candidate with the most votes becomes governor regardless of whether they top 50%.

Dunsmore said she envisions Rescue California and the partner committee run by Orrin Heatlie, the retired county sheriff’s sergeant who launched the recall petition, appealing to independent voters and others who may be skeptical of party structures, while the parties focus on turning out the Republican base.

Heatlie, meanwhile, is skeptical of any national party involvement, calling the Republican Governors Association’s creation of a political committee a “money grab.” And any endorsement of a candidate by the official party could serve to alienate grassroots activists.

But Republicans will be in a stronger position to get voters to say “yes” on the first if there is a compelling choice to replace him, Patterson said. The state GOP hopes to pick a candidate in the next few months, and she is looking for someone that can build a statewide organization, raise lots of money and has support from other Republican elected officials throughout the state. The majority of Republican state lawmakers already endorsed Faulconer.

“What I think California’s don’t want is Gavin Newsom Lite, they want true, bold, different leadership and that’s what we’ll be focusing on,” she said.

Much of the voter anger at Newsom was fueled by his handling of the coronavirus. But conditions in the state are vastly improved from the start of the year when California was the epicenter for the country and most of the state was locked down.

One of the biggest threats to Newsom would be if another Democrat enters the race, something he and his advisers are working hard to prevent. Many believe the decision by Democratic Lt. Gov. Cruz Bustamante to enter the 2003 recall hurt Davis.

For now, Democrats are strongly united behind Newsom. In recent weeks, leaders from Black, Latino, Jewish and LGBTQ political groups have held news conferences supporting Newsom, and many prominent Democrats have said they will not run against him.

Republicans’ best hope may be that Newsom makes another blunder like his November decision to attend a lobbyist’s birthday party while urging residents to stay home, said Jack Pitney, a professor of politics at Claremont McKenna College. Photos of a maskless Newsom sitting close to others at the party infuriated Californians and spurred people to sign recall petitions.

“The Republicans can’t win it,” Pitney said. “But Gavin Newsom can lose it.”

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SACRAMENTO, Calif. (AP) — First-of-its-kind California legislation to ban some medically unnecessary surgeries on intersex children stalled Monday for the third straight year in the same committee, with the author saying that proposed amendments would have stripped much of its purpose.

State Sen. Scott Wiener, a Democrat from San Francisco, wants to bar certain types of surgeries on children born with intersex characteristics. That’s when their genitalia, chromosomes or reproductive organs don’t fit typical definitions for male or female bodies.

His bill would prohibit surgeries until the child is age 12, which advocates say would give the child time to develop a gender identity. His original proposal would delay procedures until age 6 unless they are deemed medically necessary.

It was opposed by several medical groups, which argued that the bill’s language was so broad that it “would jeopardize medical care for thousands of young patients” and could apply even to common procedures like circumcisions.

Wiener said he could try again next year. But he noted that versions of what he termed a “LGBTQ+ civil rights bill” have now stalled in the Senate business and professions committee three consecutive years.

He rejected proposed amendments by the committee that he said “would likely exclude a large majority of intersex people from the bill’s protections.”

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As a preteen in a small Appalachian town, contemplating self-harm as I was strung between my parents’ vicious custody battles, I learned of a privately operated counseling facility in a neighboring county. It was one of few in the area that advertised openings for new patients. I knew that counseling would be a lifeline.

But I also knew the counselor had turned away queer teens, citing her religious opposition to “a homosexual lifestyle.” Once, she had told my family about refusing to work with a young “dyke.” 

“Some patients have problems that I can’t fix,” she said. “Only God can mend a broken, sinful mind.” 

Without help from legislation such as the Equality Act, passed by the U.S. House of Representatives in February, mental health care was beyond my grasp. I thought that counselors were supposed to help broken people. How irreparably broken, how worthless, I felt when I understood that counselors or therapists could reject me based on my sexuality. 

The Equality Act would ban discrimination based on gender identity or sexual orientation in housing, employment, education and other areas of life. It would rein in the ability of an institution or a business owner to claim religious belief as a reason to turn away LGBTQ+ people. The law won’t eliminate hate and bias, of course. A homophobic counselor forced to see LGBTQ+ clients could be detrimental to their well-being, especially if they are seeking support related to their gender or sexuality.

But as an adolescent, I was in crisis. While coming to grips with my sexuality was stressful, I was also struggling with heavy pressures of family dysfunction and addiction. Visiting a counselor (even a bigoted one) might have given me the opportunity to address some of these problems, seek a referral to another practice or, even better, request a recommendation for a psychiatrist. Without access to any mental health care professionals, however flawed, I couldn’t take these steps. 

The House first passed the Equality Act in 2019, but Senators refused to consider the bill. It faces strong opposition again, as Republican Senators argue that it might infringe on business owners’ freedom of speech or religion.

Meanwhile, LGBTQ+ people continue to live out the very real, painful, realities of discrimination and the consequences for health.

Fifteen percent of LGBTQ+ Americans avoid getting health care for fear of discrimination.  Twenty-nine percent of transgender patients have been turned away from health services, and 8% of LGBTQ+ people report that a provider rejected them because of their sexuality. 

Fifty percent of LGBTQ+ people report that discrimination in their personal lives has hurt their mental health. As someone who did not get the therapy I needed at a formative age, I often consider how this discrimination feeds the systemically high rates of depression, drug abuse, and suicidal thoughts  among LGBTQ+ youth in this country.

And I wonder how many young people will be saved if the Equality Act becomes law.

The Affordable Care Act (ACA) prohibits discrimination by health care providers and programs that receive federal funding and by insurance plans that participate in ACA marketplaces. Some private health providers and businesses, including large ones, leverage such policies as the Religious Freedom Restoration Act to assert their right to deny service to LGBTQ+ people on the basis of religious freedom. The Equality Act would expand anti-discrimination protections to parties outside  the jurisdiction of the ACA. 

The next time I considered therapy, I was nearly 20 years old. The years of unaddressed loneliness and self-hatred weighed on my shoulders, metaphorically and literally. I carried tension in my shoulders, and even today I sometimes feel stinging residual shoulder pain. 

That weight also settled into scratches: I cut open the skin on my upper arms and collarbones with a razor as I regularly contemplated suicide.

I finally sought help from a therapist I knew personally — a woman who was accepting of LGBT people and would not turn me away. I was diagnosed with depression and anxiety. Alongside my counselor and a psychiatrist, I finally established what I had long needed: a plan and the resources to survive. After starting on Prozac and working through therapy, I stopped cutting. 

How might the Equality Act lead to a better, healthier future for LGBTQ+ folks? First, the bill could help secure housing options because it would be illegal to reject a prospective renter or home buyer because of their gender or sexual orientation. 

People with consistent access to safe housing tend to report fewer health problems than their housing-insecure peers. LGBTQ+ people face high rates of homelessness and exclusion from domestic violence and homeless shelters. The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development has found that same-sex partners often face discrimination when they try to buy or lease property. Housing insecurity can lead LGBTQ+ people to experience various health problems, including physical abuse from living on the streets, anxiety and depression, and hypertension. 

Second, LGBTQ+ patients could not be turned away from hospitals, mental health centers, or doctors’ offices because of their identity. 

Third, the Equality Act would crack down on discrimination in lending. While some states prohibit such discrimination, federal law remains unclear. The Equality Act would set a strong national standard and close loopholes that may be used to deny loans and banking services to LGBTQ+ people. Without access to credit, many LGBTQ+ people cannot hope to cover the out-of-pocket costs of a catastrophic illness or surgery.

The revived debate over the Equality Act has unveiled vicious biases against LGBTQ+ people. As Representatives prepared to vote on the bill, Georgia Republican Marjorie Taylor Greene mocked Illinois Democrat Marie Newman for hanging a transgender pride flag. Newman’s daughter is trans. Greene hung an opposing sign outside her office, which read, “There are TWO genders: MALE & FEMALE.” These personal attacks amid the larger Congressional consideration of the Equality Act illuminate the countless ways that homophobia and transphobia permeate our society, all the way up to Capitol Hill.

The Equality Act can’t change someone’s mind about LGBTQ+ rights. Nor will it solve systemic issues that make health care inaccessible and unaffordable to so many Americans. Nonetheless, the act would go a long way toward helping LGBTQ+ people feel safer, live healthier, and have equal access to the services that their heterosexual and cisgender peers often take for granted.

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