California’s law is meant to give Arizonans an option to receive legal abortions from their doctor over the next several months when nearly all abortions in the state will be temporarily banned.

There’s a law in Arizona — first passed in 1864, but not enforced for decades — that bans nearly all abortions in the state. The Arizona Supreme Court ruled that law would take effect in June now that the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, allowing states set their own abortion laws.

The state Legislature quickly voted to repeal that law, and Arizona’s Democratic Gov. Katie Hobbs promptly signed it. But the repeal won’t take effect until September at the earliest, leaving an approximately three-month window when most abortions would be banned in the state.

California’s new law, which takes effect immediately, allows licensed doctors in Arizona to come to California and perform abortions for their patients through the end of November. Licensed Arizona doctors would still have to fill out an application to perform abortions in California. But if the doctors meet certain requirements, the law directs California regulators to approve their application within five business days.

“California stands ready to protect reproductive freedom,” Newsom said.

Since the Supreme Court’s overturning of Roe v. Wade in 2022, more than 20 states began enforcing abortion bans of varying degrees.

California has done the opposite, with Newsom vowing to make the state a “ sanctuary ” for people in other states seeking abortions. California has passed dozens of laws to protect abortion access, including setting aside $20 million in taxpayer money to help pay for patients in other states to travel to California to get an abortion.

The law Newsom signed on Thursday does not include new money to help Arizona patients travel to California for abortions. But Newsom partnered with the advocacy group Red Wine and Blue to raise money from private donors to help Arizona patients travel to California.

The group, headquartered in Ohio and launched by the Arizona Freedom Trust, seeks to organize suburban women. It had raised just over $111,000 toward its nearly $500,000 goal, according to its website.

Newsom and his Democratic allies in the state Legislature worked quickly to get this law passed. But some Republicans questioned the need for it. Last year, Arizona Democratic Gov. Katie Hobbs signed an executive order barring local prosecutors from bringing abortion-related charges.

Still, Democrats in the California Legislature felt the law was necessary. State Sen. Nancy Skinner, a Democrat from Berkeley and the bill’s author, said a law was stronger than an executive order from a governor.

“Once again California has made it crystal clear for all who need or deliver essential reproductive care: We’ve got your back,” Skinner said.

The law says Arizona doctors would have to tell California regulators where they planned to perform abortions in the state. But the law bars California regulators from publishing any information on their website about Arizona doctors aside from the doctor’s name, status and license number.

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In a hotel ballroom in Seattle, at fancy homes in California and at stops in Illinois and Wisconsin over the past week, Biden has been betting that reminding voters about Trump’s presidency and highlighting his Republican opponent’s latest campaign statements will work to the Democrat’s advantage.

At a Seattle fundraiser Friday night, Biden brought up Trump’s recent interview with Time magazine in which Trump said states should be left to determine whether to prosecute women for abortions or to monitor their pregnancies.

“I really urge you to read it,” Biden said.

Biden, who headlined another Seattle fundraiser Saturday before returning to the East Coast, has plenty of other Trump material to draw from, too.

The president highlights how Trump has promised, if elected, to be “a dictator on Day 1”, how he has suggested the United States would not necessarily defend allies from aggression and how he has pledged to “totally obliterate the deep state” in the federal bureaucracy, which he blames for blocking his first-term agenda.

“And he said a whole lot more,” Biden said during a Chicago appearance. “But the bad news is he means what he says. He means what he says. Unless you think I’m kidding, just think back to the 6th of January. This guy means what he says,” referring to the riot at the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021.

Biden wants the 2024 election to be a referendum on Trump’s record and plans, but he also wants voters to look favorably on his own policies and actions.

Biden and his allies think the country needs reminding about Trump’s tenure and his outlandish and often concerning statements, particularly because the Republican is no longer ubiquitous on X, formerly Twitter, nor is he in front of television cameras as often as he once was.

“Chaos is nothing new for Trump,” Biden said in Chicago. “His presidency was chaos. Trump is trying to make the — the country forget about the dark and unsettling things that he did when he was president. Well, we’re going to not let them forget.”

Biden frequently highlights Trump’s efforts to overturn the results of the 2020 election and how he stood by when supporters violently stormed the Capitol as Congress met to certify his loss to Biden. He also points to Trump separating children from their families at the U.S.-Mexico border, tax cuts the Republican pushed through that benefited corporations and the wealthy and his repeated efforts to overturn the Affordable Care Act.

Biden’s barbs have been getting sharper of late.

He opened his Seattle fundraiser on Friday night by telling donors, “Thank you for the warm welcome. Please keep it down, because Donald Trump is sleeping. Sleepy Don.” That was a riff off of news reports that the former president has dozed off during his criminal trial in a New York courtroom. Trump has pleaded not guilty to charges in a hush money scheme to illegally influence the 2016 presidential election.

Biden also talks about Trump’s admiration for Russian President Vladimir Putin and his self-described “love letters” with Kim Jong Un, the authoritarian leader of North Korea.

Biden frequently jabs at Trump for wondering aloud during the COVID-19 pandemic whether disinfectants could be injected or ingested to fight the virus. “That bleach he didn’t inject in his body; he just put it in his hair,” Biden says to laughter every time. “But, look, he’s got more hair than I do.”

Trump’s campaign said in a statement that “their records speak for themselves. President Trump created the most secure border in history and peace in the world. President Trump was the first president in modern history not to enter the U.S. in any new wars. Joe Biden’s weakness has led to wars in Ukraine and the Middle East, an immigrant invasion of our border, anti-Semitic protests on our college campuses, and crime and chaos in every American city.”

Trump doesn’t hesitate to criticize Biden and his policies. Trump is spending much of his time lately sitting in court. But before and after the proceedings, he often stands in front of cameras outside the courtroom and goes after Biden.

At a recent Wisconsin rally, Trump mentioned Biden within the first 2½ minutes of his speech and referenced the president or his administration more than 60 times during his remarks.

Trump’s criticism often takes a dark turn. Last weekend, he told donors at his Florida resort that Biden was running a “Gestapo administration.”

The Gestapo was the secret police force of the Third Reich that squelched political opposition generally and, specifically, targeted Jewish people for arrest during the Holocaust. Trump’s unfounded comparison to Nazi-era tactics is part of his effort to deny and deflect the charges against him, most notably his effort to overturn Biden’s 2020 victory.

Biden’s strategy is a gamble. Voters are divided in their views of both men’s presidencies.

An April poll from The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research found that nearly half thought Trump’s presidency hurt the country on voting rights and election security, relations with foreign countries, abortion laws and climate change. But more than half of U.S. adults thought Biden’s presidency hurt the country on cost of living and immigration.

For all his criticism of Trump, Biden does get around to talking about his agenda and accomplishments. He tells supporters about his work to boost the economy and to bring the country out of the pandemic. He discusses his support for abortion rights even as he highlights how Trump has taken credit for the overturning of Roe v. Wade in part because of his Supreme Court nominations.

“Folks, the choice is clear,” Biden told supporters recently in the nation’s capital. “Donald Trump’s vision of America is one of revenge and retribution.”

“I’ve never been more optimistic about America’s chances,” he went on. “Not because I’m president, because of the state of the moment. The world needs us.”

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Anti-abortion activists will have multiple reasons to celebrate — and some reasons for unease — when they gather Friday in Washington for the annual March for Life.

The march, which includes a rally drawing abortion opponents from across the nation, has been held annually since January 1974 — a year after the U.S. Supreme Court’s Roe v. Wade decision established a nationwide right to abortion.

This year’s gathering — 50 years after that decision — will be the first since the high court struck down Roe in a momentous ruling last June.

Since then, 12 Republican-governed states have implemented sweeping bans on abortion, and several others seek to do the same. But those moves have been offset by other developments. Abortion opponents were defeated in votes on ballot measures in Kansas, Michigan and Kentucky. State courts have blocked several bans from taking effect. And myriad efforts are underway to help women in abortion-ban states either get abortions out of state or use the abortion pill for self-managed abortions.

“It’s almost like the old wild, wild West … everything is still shaking out,” said Carol Tobias, president of the National Right to Life Committee.

With numerous Democratic-governed states taking steps to protect and expand abortion access, Tobias likened the current situation to the pre-Civil War era when the nation was closely divided between free states and slave states.

“I will not be surprised if we have something like that for a few years,” she said. “But I do know that pro-lifers are not going to give up — it’s a civil rights issue for us.”

The theme for this year’s March for Life is “Next Steps: Marching Forward into a Post-Roe America.” Scheduled speakers include Hall of Fame football coach Tony Dungy and Mississippi Attorney General Lynn Fitch, who won the Supreme Court case that overturned Roe.

The president of March for Life, Jeanne Mancini, depicted the June ruling as “a massive victory for the pro-life movement.”

“But the battle to build a culture of life is far from over,” she said. “March for Life will continue to advocate for the unborn and policies that protect them until abortion becomes unthinkable.”

Prospects for any federal legislation restricting abortion nationwide are negligible for now, given that any such measures emerging from the Republican-led House would face rejection in the Democratic-led Senate. The main battlegrounds will be in the states.

Since June, near-total bans on abortion have been implemented in Alabama, Arkansas, Idaho, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, Missouri, Oklahoma, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas and West Virginia. Legal challenges are pending against several of those bans.

Elective abortions also are unavailable in Wisconsin, due to legal uncertainties faced by abortion clinics, and in North Dakota, where the lone clinic relocated to Minnesota.

Bans passed by lawmakers in Ohio, Indiana and Wyoming have been blocked by state courts while legal challenges are pending. And in South Carolina, the state Supreme Court on Jan. 5 struck down a ban on abortion after six weeks, ruling the restriction violates a state constitutional right to privacy.

The Guttmacher Institute, a research group which supports abortion rights, says the overall result is “a chaotic legal landscape that is disruptive for providers trying to offer care and patients trying to obtain it.”

“When people do not have access to abortion care in their state, they are forced to make the difficult decision to travel long distances for care, self-manage an abortion or carry an unwanted pregnancy to term,” Guttmacher staffers Elizabeth Nash and Isabel Guarnieri wrote last week.

Looking ahead, some anti-abortion leaders hope the Republicans nominate a 2024 presidential candidate who will aggressively push for nationwide abortion restrictions, rather than keep it as a state-by-state matter.

“The approach to winning on abortion in federal races, proven for a decade, is this: state clearly the ambitious consensus pro-life position and contrast that with the extreme view of Democrat opponents,” said Marjorie Dannenfelser, president of SBA Pro-Life America.

Dannenfelser says she’s not surprised by the divisive ups-and-downs that have unfolded since the June ruling.

“This is what it looks like when democracy is restored and we have a voice in the debate,” she said. “For 50 years, we had no voice because the judiciary was always going to shield public opinion from having an effect on the law.”

“We always knew it wouldn’t be a straight line (after Roe’s repeal),” she said, adding “we know neither side is going to lay down and die.”

Multiple public opinion polls since June have found that a majority of Americans support access to legal abortion. According to an Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research poll conducted in July, 53% of U.S. adults said they disapproved of the Supreme Court’s repeal of Roe, while 30% approved.

Professor Kathleen Sprows Cummings, director of the University of Notre Dame’s Cushwa Center for the Study of American Catholicism, suggested the anti-abortion movement may suffer from a perception among many Americans that it’s more concerned with controlling women’s bodies than helping them cope with unintended pregnancies.

“It’s about consolidating their political power, more than about babies,” she said.

Some abortion opponents are trying to counter such perceptions. In Texas, for example, anti-abortion groups are urging lawmakers to spend more money on services for pregnant and parenting Texans, including expanding Medicaid coverage for mothers.

According to Texas Right to Life, the state’s new abortion ban has had a major impact — it says only 68 abortions were recorded by state health officials in July 2022, compared to 4,879 in July 2021.

The group noted the data does not include illegal, unreported abortions — which are widely believed to be increasing as women obtain abortion pills by mail from overseas or from Mexico suppliers.

Charles Camosy, a medical humanities professor at Creighton University School of Medicine who opposes abortion, has analyzed the high-profile election defeats suffered by the anti-abortion movement. Voters in Kansas and Kentucky rejected constitutional amendments that would have declared there is no right to abortion; Michigan voters approved an amendment enshrining the right to abortion in the state constitution.

“Pro-lifers have clearly and badly lost the PR battle since June and this has shaped how people are voting,” Camosy said via email. He said abortion-rights supporters were better organized and better funded, while many anti-abortion politicians either avoided the issue or sounded too extreme.

“There are obviously very good things that have happened, however,” added Camosy, citing the drop in abortions reported in states with bans.

“Pro-lifers also now relish the chance to actually debate the issues in a democratic, open context … as opposed to constantly running into the fiats of various courts,” he said. “We may lose some battles early on… but it is worth it to have the debates.”

___

Associated Press religion coverage receives support through the AP’s collaboration with The Conversation US, with funding from Lilly Endowment Inc. The AP is solely responsible for this content.

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If the Supreme Court follows through on overturning Roe v. Wade, abortion likely will be banned or greatly restricted in about half the U.S. states. But experts and advocates fear repercussions could reach even further, affecting care for women who miscarry, couples seeking fertility treatments and access to some forms of contraception.

Many conservatives insist they are only interested in curtailing abortion, and legislation passed so far often has exceptions for other reproductive care. But rumblings from some in the GOP have experts concerned, and laws banning abortion could also have unintended side effects.

“The rhetoric has been really increasing over the last several years,” said Mara Gandal-Powers, the director of birth control access at the National Women’s Law Center. “There’s definitely a domino effect which I think people are really starting to wake up to and see this is how far it could go.”

If Roe is overturned, as suggested by a leaked draft opinion, states will set their own abortion laws, and conservative lawmakers are already passing a steady stream of deeply restrictive regulations. Oklahoma lawmakers, for example, passed legislation Thursday banning abortion at conception, the strictest in the nation.

Although that bill has some exceptions, it signals a direction that is deeply worrisome for many doctors.

“I truly think the people writing these laws either have no concept of the broad implications or do not care about how this impacts so many aspects of women’s health care,″ said Dr. Kristyn Brandi, a New Jersey OB-GYN who provides abortion care.

“In medicine, you are not considered pregnant until this fertilized egg is implanted into the uterus — which happens after fertilization,″ Brandi said. She said it is unclear whether doctors performing infertility treatments would be in violation of the law if they dispose of extra fertilized eggs. The Oklahoma measure “is not based in science and is incredibly confusing and frustrating for medical professionals trying to provide evidence based care.″

The Roe decision was based on a constitutional right to privacy — and the decision leaned on another landmark case eight years earlier that gave married couples the right to birth control, Griswold v. Connecticut.

Reliable birth control is now a feature of life for millions of Americans, but in March U.S. Sen. Marsha Blackburn of Tennessee recorded a video message naming the Griswold decision as “constitutionally unsound.” She’s not proposing restrictions on birth control but hasn’t commented further to clarify what she meant.

Other conservatives have conflated emergency contraception, often known as the morning-after pill, with abortion. In Idaho, for example, it was prohibited at school-based health clinics last year under a law banning public funding for “abortion related services.”

Along with long-acting birth control devices called IUDs, emergency contraception has been been attacked by abortion foes who believe life begins when an egg is fertilized.

But those pills have no effect once a pregnancy is established, after implantation in the womb, Brandi said.

“You can take Plan B all you want when you’re pregnant. It will not do anything to your pregnancy,” she said.

Emergency contraceptive pills like Plan B and IUDs may also prevent a fertilized egg from implanting in the womb, but experts say the science on that isn’t clear. It is believed they mostly work by blocking fertilization.

Political attempts to block access to intrauterine devices and other birth control “would be consistent with the pattern that we’re seeing right now,” said Dr. Jennifer Kerns, an associate professor at the University of California, San Francisco who also provides abortion care. “Many of us are very concerned that that’s kind of the next up on the chopping block.’’

In Missouri last year, for example, there was a failed effort to prevent IUDs and emergency contraception from being paid for by Medicaid. But in Tennessee, which just passed harsh penalties for providing abortion medication, Republican Senate Speaker Randy McNally pushed back on any suggestion that contraception could be in the crosshairs.

“Contraception and abortion are not the same thing. One is a responsible way to prevent pregnancy. The other ends a human life. It is a flagrant attempt to change the conversation and it won’t work,” spokesman Adam Kleinheider said in a statement.

The governor of Mississippi, one of 13 states that will immediately ban abortion if Roe is overturned, wouldn’t say whether he’d sign a hypothetical birth-control ban when asked on “Meet the Press.” Gov. Tate Reeves later clarified on Twitter: “I’m not interested in banning contraceptives.”

But doctors also worry other forms of reproductive care, like treating ectopic pregnancies, could be targeted. These occur when a fertilized egg implants outside the uterus, often in a fallopian tube. They are often life-threatening medical emergencies because the fragile tube can rupture, causing massive internal bleeding.

In 2019, an Ohio Republican proposed a measure that would have compelled doctors to try transplanting ectopic pregnancies into the uterus or allowing insurers to cover the hypothetical procedure, which is considered medically impossible.

After Texas banned abortion after six weeks, Kerns said colleagues there have told of patients with ectopic pregnancies being transferred out of state for treatment, putting their health at risk.

Physicians may even become hesitant to treat miscarriage, said Brandi, the New Jersey OB-GYN.

Women often miscarry alone, early in pregnancy, with no need for medical assistance. For others, it involves heavy prolonged bleeding and treatment is exactly the same as abortion — the same pills or procedure. Doctors in states that outlaw abortion would fear repercussions for treating miscarriages, Brandi said. Most end safely but infection is a risk, she said.

Plus, Brandi added, it can take eight weeks for someone “once they’ve diagnosed with a miscarriage to actually pass the pregnancy” without intervention. That can be traumatic, particularly for women who wanted to be pregnant.

Roxanne Kelly, a mental health specialist in Arkansas, has a family history of miscarriages and ectopic pregnancies. Knowing she’s at high risk, she shudders hearing politicians equate treatment for both with abortion.

“Instead of receiving medical care, … I would be treated potentially as a murderer,” Kelly said. She shared her fears with her husband recently, and he “immediately offered to get a vasectomy,” saying “it’s reversible and keeps you safe,” Kelly said.

Meanwhile, some states still have abortion bans on the books that date back to the 1800s. If Roe is overturned, those bans with vague definitions of abortion could snap back into effect.

“Some states don’t say what abortion is; they just say abortion is a crime,” said Mary Ziegler, a law professor at University of California, Davis. “There’s a history of defining abortion more broadly to include steps in IVF or some forms of contraception.”

The Supreme Court isn’t expected to issue its final ruling until June or July, but some states are already considering going beyond banning abortion. Lawmakers in Louisiana considered a proposal to make it a homicide — a plan the governor said could criminalize some types of contraception and parts of the in vitro fertilization process.

The legislation stalled, but it could signal future tactics.

Oklahoma passed a series of strict new anti-abortion measures after seeing abortions spike as a ban in nearby Texas sent women to surrounding states. Legislation passed Thursday and set to be signed by the governor has exceptions for ectopic pregnancies — despite opposition from at least one lawmaker — and contraception, too, but not a specific exception for in vitro fertilization.

The legislation, which is enforced through civil lawsuits similar to the Texas ban, would “provide strong, additional protection of the life of unborn children in Oklahoma,” Republican sponsor Rep. Wendi Stearman said in a statement.

A line describing an “unborn child” as one at any stage of gestation means it likely would not apply to embryos fertilized in a lab, leading some fertility doctors to say this bill would have little effect on people seeking IVF, but it could still apply to the selective reduction process sometimes used to remove a fetus from a woman’s womb if fertility treatments result in multiple pregnancies, said Seema Mohapatra, health law and bioethics professor at SMU Dedman School of Law.

“I think it is very reasonable to be fearful of what comes next,” Mohapatra said. “At what point does your reproductive decision making, even for people that are really, really desperately wanting a child, become constrained?”

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In Dr. Rebekah Fenton’s medical practice, she often sees young patients with unplanned pregnancies who understand what’s at stake.

“It’s not this narrative of ‘Oh, people just don’t understand what parenting is,’” she said in a Center for Health Journalism Health Matters webinar last week. “It’s often because they understand what parenting is and the expense and investment emotionally, financially … that they’re making these decisions: I cannot be a parent for this child at this time.”

Telling these nuanced personal stories will be essential for journalists as the country gears up for the potential end of federally protected abortion rights should the Supreme Court overturn Roe v. Wade as expected. Fenton joined Elizabeth Nash of the Guttmacher Institute and Shefali Luthra, a health reporter for The 19^th to highlight important story threads journalists should keep on their radar as they cover the changing legal landscape and its far-reaching impact on people’s health.

What lies ahead

If the U.S. Supreme Court overturns the landmark Roe v. Wade abortion decision, 26 states are certain or likely to ban abortion, a move that could impact about 36 million people, according to Nash. In fact, 13 states have so called “trigger laws” that would ban all or nearly all abortions as soon as the case is overturned, she said.

Even before that change, more restrictive laws were already cropping up across the country. In September, Texas banned abortions after fetal cardiac activity is detected, or at about six weeks. Oklahoma enacted a similar restriction earlier this month.

At the same time, progressive states have been taking actions of their own to reinforce state-level abortion protections and expand capacity for out-of-state travelers seeking abortion as well as improving access overall. Oregon, for example, has allocated $15 million to expand abortion services and infrastructure. States like Maryland have expanded the range of medical providers who can perform abortions to include physician assistants, nurse practitioners and nurse midwives. And there have been moves to bolster health insurance coverage of abortions, such as eliminating out-of-pocket costs in California.

Meanwhile, a new Maine law creates a “medical safety zone” around abortion clinics to protect providers and patients. And, on the legal side, states such as Connecticut are creating protections for both medical providers and people seeking abortions from out-of-state lawsuits.

Tracking the story

Journalists should cover these developments and ask important follow-up questions to gauge their efficacy, webinar speakers said. For example, watch closely where the funds to boost abortion access are going and whether they are indeed strengthening provider networks. Are clinics able to hire more staff? How are they using the money to prepare for patient influx? What will happen in states like Illinois and Colorado that will likely become important centers as surrounding states ban abortions? 

Other threads to follow include the possibilities for medication abortions via telemedicine, and potential obstacles. How much will these increase and what does that look like?

It will be interesting to follow what happens to abortion clinics in abortion-rights states, too. Will they turn into support centers where patients can explore travel options?

Reporters should also closely follow what’s happening in states looking to criminalize abortion. Louisiana lawmakers pulled back from a plan to classify abortion as homicide last week. Still, that move underscores important tensions and a potential conflict within the anti-abortion movement, Luthra said. Which camp will prevail?

Another important thread: “pregnancy centers” that are disseminating misinformation. These are even more prevalent than abortion clinics throughout the country, Fenton said.

Equity is an important lens through which to view these legal changes. Even if these laws are intended for everyone, access and impact will not be shared evenly. Fenton points to the disproportionate toll that will be felt in the most isolated and disadvantaged communities.

Reporters seeking facts and figures — including data that can spotlight these disparities — can access Guttmacher’s dashboard as well as the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, along with  individual state sites. 

Finding the personal story

For journalists, the best way to tell this important story is to spend time with patients in abortion clinics, Luthra said.

But don’t show up at a clinic unannounced, speakers cautioned, especially given the routine threats and difficult climate in which staff often work. Luthra calls the clinic first and provides staff the opportunity to get to know her through pre-interviews. She asks to spend time during a day they’ll be doing abortions, which might not be daily.  Given the vulnerability and potential stigma associated with the procedure, she offers the option of not using their full name or perhaps using a middle name. Some clinics will print a blurb about her with contact information so patients can opt to reach out later.

If someone is open to an interview, be sure to ask for details on their journey to the clinic, she advised. Did they have to take time off work or arrange child care? How much did it cost and how did they pay for it? 

Sometimes, reporters seek the “perfect person” to fit their narrative and bring to life their bigger picture story. Instead, Luthra urges reporting colleagues to simply talk to people and listen to their complex and nuanced stories. The resulting diversity of stories delivers richer journalism than the search for an archetypal example.

“Just taking that really human centric approach and being clear eyed about the truth will allow you to circumvent the kind of boring and overplayed politization of abortion and tell journalism that’s actually worthwhile,” she said.

• DISCLAIMER: The opinions, beliefs and viewpoints expressed by the various author’s articles on this Opinion piece or elsewhere online or in the newspaper where we have articles with the header “COLUMN/EDITORIAL & OPINION” do not necessarily reflect the opinions, beliefs and viewpoints or official policies of the Publisher, Editor, Reporters or anybody else in the Staff of the Hemet and San Jacinto Chronicle Newspaper.

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