That pledge cleared a major hurdle Sunday, as state lawmakers approved a last-minute measure exempting the Midway Rising project from potential environmental lawsuits — a decision that could allow construction to begin on a new professional arena, thousands of housing units and expansive public parkland, even though the plan calls for a building nearly five times taller than what current neighborhood zoning allows.

The proposal, backed by Los Angeles Rams owner Stan Kroenke and developer Brad Termini, envisions a 25-story arena alongside 4,250 housing units and close to 15 acres of parks on a parking lot near the current Pechanga Arena that has sat mostly unused for years. Senate Bill 344, authored by state Sen. Akilah Weber Pierson, a Democrat whose district includes the project site, would let developers rely on an existing environmental study to satisfy state requirements under the California Environmental Quality Act, rather than starting a lengthy new review.

The bill passed the Assembly 72-2 Sunday afternoon before clearing the Senate unanimously. San Diego Assemblymember Carl DeMaio, a Republican, was one of only two lawmakers to vote no, criticizing the move as special treatment for a politically connected developer. Assemblymember Chris Ward, a Democrat who carried the bill on the Assembly floor for Weber Pierson, defended it as a necessary step after years of environmental scrutiny that has already been exhaustively conducted.

If Gov. Gavin Newsom signs the bill — he has until Sept. 30 to act — it would mark a turning point for a project that has faced repeated legal setbacks. San Diego voters approved ballot measures in 2020 and 2022 to lift the Midway District’s 30-foot height limit, but courts struck down both efforts after ruling that city planners failed to adequately study how far taller buildings would affect traffic, air quality, noise and nearby wildlife habitat.

Opposition has remained fierce among neighborhood groups and environmental advocates. Critics argue the arena’s height would block coastal views and worsen traffic congestion, while conservation groups such as the Audubon Society have raised concerns that taller structures could pose a danger to migrating birds.

Eric Law, who chairs a Point Loma neighborhood group opposing the project, said the legislative maneuvering was designed specifically to avoid a full environmental review process. “What they’re trying to do is avoid informed decision-making,” he said.

Weber Pierson’s bill follows an earlier attempt, Senate Bill 958, which would have granted the Midway District a much broader CEQA exemption before being scaled back this summer to simply override the recent court rulings against the project. Lawmakers later worked to separate that bill from Midway Rising, even though its language applied narrowly to the project’s financing and construction requirements.

The tactic of introducing significant, project-specific legislation in the closing days of the legislative session — sometimes called “end-running” — is a well-worn strategy in Sacramento, according to UC Davis property law professor Chris Elmendorf. Because such bills often skip full committee hearings, they can move quickly with limited public input.

“You’ve got an influential legislator who cares about a project in their district, and other people aren’t too concerned about it, so they do a favor for their colleague,” Elmendorf said, describing how these late-session deals typically come together. He noted that Midway Rising was a relatively easy case for the Legislature to act on, since it does not involve significant statewide spending or drew widespread opposition from other lawmakers.

Former San Diego Assemblymember Lori Saldaña, who represented the Midway District and has long been critical of the project, said she understands the political calculus even as she raises concerns about potential flooding risks at the site. “If they cannot accomplish something at the local level, and they can’t accomplish it through a normal routine, then they go through these extraordinary end-of-session gymnastics,” she said, comparing the process to trading favors in a poker game — something she acknowledged doing herself during her time in office.

Not every San Diego-area lawmaker was willing to discuss the deal. Sen. Steve Padilla, a Chula Vista Democrat who co-authored the bill, and Assemblymember Tasha Boerner, whose district also includes part of the Midway, did not respond to multiple requests for interviews. Boerner posted on social media that she abstained from voting, saying that addressing the state’s housing shortage should not come at the expense of public input. “We need to allow for public scrutiny, and the public to sue when appropriate, to correct legitimate concerns and mistakes when assessing impacts,” she wrote.

For Gloria, the urgency is tied to a ticking clock. The city and Midway Rising’s developers have not finalized a construction agreement, but they have committed to reaching one by Dec. 4 — a deadline that, if missed, could put the entire project in jeopardy. Kroenke’s company holds a 95% equity stake in the development, while Termini, who donated to Gloria’s 2020 mayoral campaign, leads Zephyr, the residential development partner. Termini and his wife also contributed $50,000 to an independent campaign committee supporting Gloria.

The mayor, who leaves office in 2028, said he hopes to see construction begin as early as next year. He pushed back against critics who argue the project is being rushed through without adequate public input, saying it has already undergone years of scrutiny.

“We have a project that’s been thoroughly vetted, that has been voted on by the public, that is going to receive public hearings in the city council,” Gloria said. “When you’ve done that much process, that much review, that much transparency, the end result should be a firm answer.”

City officials say the redevelopment would bring meaningful benefits to the long-overlooked Midway District, including at least 2,000 affordable housing units and thousands of construction jobs. Gloria said a small but vocal group of opponents has repeatedly delayed similar projects in the past, and he hopes state-level intervention will finally provide the certainty needed to move forward.

Neither Termini nor representatives from the Kroenke Group responded to requests for comment.

Original source: CalMatters

The post California Lawmakers Clear Path for New San Diego Sports Arena, Sidestepping Environmental Review appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.

Board Chair Terra Lawson-Remer and Vice Chair Paloma Aguirre announced the proposal Monday at a news conference at the county administration building, arguing that public facilities meant to serve San Diego residents should not double as training grounds for what they described as the federal government’s mass deportation campaign.

“Our local public facilities serve our residents — they do not exist to support federal immigration operations that ignore and trample due process and the rule of law,” Lawson-Remer said.

The two supervisors are calling for the county to terminate its agreements with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Customs and Border Protection that allow agents to use county firing ranges. The measure is expected to go before the full Board of Supervisors on Tuesday.

The proposal stands in contrast to a similar debate that played out in Escondido earlier this year. In February, that city’s council voted to uphold its own contract with the Department of Homeland Security allowing ICE and CBP to train at Escondido’s firing range, despite public backlash.

Aguirre and Lawson-Remer say the push to end the county’s arrangement is rooted in growing alarm over aggressive immigration enforcement tactics that they say have torn families apart and spread fear throughout San Diego communities.

“Parents are afraid to drop their kids off at school, afraid to go to the grocery store, afraid to walk to work — simple moments that should be safe,” Aguirre said. “And while all of this is happening, ICE and CBP have been training at county gun ranges.”

That fear has been fueled by a string of high-profile raids and arrests over the past year and a half. In May 2025, ICE agents raided Buona Forchetta restaurant in San Diego, arresting four people in an operation that drew widespread public outrage. Months later, in August, agents detained parents outside elementary schools in Encinitas, Chula Vista and San Diego.

A CalMatters investigation using government data found that immigration arrests in the region spiked 1,500% between May and October compared with the same period the previous year.

According to figures released by Rep. Mike Levin, a Democrat representing parts of San Diego and Orange counties, immigration authorities deported more than 16,000 people from San Diego County between Jan. 20, 2025, and April 1, 2026. Federal officials have said their enforcement priority is immigrants with serious criminal records, but Levin said ICE has not disclosed how many of those detained locally actually had criminal convictions.

Supervisors argue that the aggressive enforcement approach carries public safety risks of its own, discouraging some residents from reporting crimes or cooperating with local law enforcement out of fear of deportation.

“Providing training grounds for Trump’s deportation force is a slap in the face to our residents, and it undermines our clear commitment to the rule of law and civil rights here in San Diego County,” Lawson-Remer said.

Since 2024, federal immigration agents have logged roughly 3,350 hours at the Regional Firearms Training Center in Otay Mesa, near the border, according to county records. The agreements permitting ICE and CBP to use county firearms facilities date back to 2021 and generate an estimated $126,780 in revenue, according to a letter submitted to the board. Because the contracts fell below a certain dollar threshold, they were approved administratively and never required a vote from the Board of Supervisors.

The new proposal would end not only that arrangement but also the use of a separate range the county leases from the U.S. Navy at Marine Corps Air Station Miramar.

“The federal government cannot terrorize our families all week long and then rent our gun range on the weekends — not in this county, not anymore,” Aguirre said.

Federal immigration agencies did not respond to questions from CalMatters about the proposal. However, the San Diego Union-Tribune reported that CBP Commissioner Rodney Scott said he was disappointed by the county’s move, warning that losing access to training facilities could lead to longer wait times at border crossings and San Diego International Airport.

Aguirre dismissed that warning, saying the relatively modest contract would have little bearing on federal operations. “The lines at San Ysidro would not be a consequence of this board’s actions,” she said. “They would be a decision made by the Trump administration and funded by us here in San Diego.”

The firing range proposal marks the latest effort by county leaders to distance San Diego from federal immigration enforcement. In January, the Board of Supervisors approved the Civil Liberties Enforcement and Accountability Rules ordinance, known as the CLEAR ordinance, which restricts federal immigration agents’ access to non-public county spaces. That measure passed with support from Lawson-Remer, Aguirre and fellow Democrat Supervisor Monica Montgomery Steppe, while the board’s two Republican members, Jim Desmond and Joel Anderson, voted against it.

In June, San Diego County also won a lawsuit against the Department of Homeland Security that granted county health officials the ability to conduct sanitary inspections at the Otay Mesa Detention Center. That legal victory came months after Lawson-Remer, Aguirre and County Public Health Officer Dr. Sayone Thihalolipavan were denied access to the facility.

Original source: CalMatters

The post San Diego County Supervisors Move to Bar ICE From County Firing Range appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.

El Niño occurs when surface waters warm across the central and eastern tropical Pacific, weakening or even reversing the trade winds that typically blow from the Americas toward Asia. That shift sends warm water sliding eastward, fueling rising air and storm activity. Historically, the pattern has meant wetter winters for Southern California, and this year’s version is shaping up to be an intense one.

“Big El Niño events tend to tilt the odds toward more winter storms hitting the North Pacific, and bigger storms too, because of the energy the ocean pumps into the atmosphere,” said Dan Cayan, a researcher at the Scripps Institution of Oceanography.

Scientists classify an El Niño when sea surface temperatures rise half a degree Celsius above normal, according to Tyler Rodenbaugh, chief meteorologist for the San Diego County Water Authority. When temperatures climb 1.5 degrees above normal, forecasters call it a “very strong” El Niño — which is exactly what’s developing now.

Past strong El Niño winters have brought San Diego prolonged, heavy rain. During 1982-83, the region logged 70 rainy days, compared with the usual 40 to 45 — roughly one and a half times the normal number of storm days, Cayan said. The same pattern repeated in 1997-98. Both winters dumped nearly 20 inches of rain at Lindbergh Field, far above the typical 10-inch average, and also boosted Sierra Nevada snowpack, driving heavier statewide runoff.

But the so-called “Godzilla El Niño” of 2015-16 broke that trend, delivering a relatively dry winter with just 8 inches of rain recorded at the airport.

“What actually happens depends on specific storms called atmospheric rivers, which aren’t governed by El Niño itself,” said Alexander Gershunov, a research meteorologist at Scripps. Atmospheric rivers are long, narrow bands of moisture-rich air — essentially rivers in the sky — that can unleash torrential rain regardless of the broader ocean pattern.

Built at the base of hillsides, atop flood plains and threaded with canyons, San Diego’s geography makes it especially vulnerable to flooding. How much damage actually occurs often comes down to the condition of the infrastructure meant to hold the water back.

The devastating January 2024 flooding along Chollas Creek, which damaged roughly 1,000 homes in the Shelltown neighborhood, remains a stark example. Fire officials have described it as a once-in-a-thousand-year event that was largely unavoidable, with Cayan noting the creek drains a small watershed vulnerable to sudden, intense downpours.

But many residents argue the damage was worsened by years of neglected maintenance. Thousands of flood survivors have filed lawsuits claiming the city failed to properly maintain its storm drain channels, and many say they continue to suffer health problems — including skin rashes, respiratory issues and swelling — that they attribute to floodwater exposure or the mold that later took hold in their homes.

The city’s current budget cites more than $800 million already spent on stormwater system upgrades, including 18 completed projects last year, but also lists $3.3 billion in additional needed improvements without a clear funding plan. City officials say crews are working to keep the drainage system as functional as possible, clearing channels and debris so water can flow freely during storms. Fire-Rescue Deputy Chief Robert Rezende, who is overseeing the city’s El Niño preparedness effort, said crews are also coordinating with the San Diego Lifeguard Service’s swift-water rescue team to clear brush, open floodgates and remove obstructions to ensure emergency access if people become trapped.

San Diego County is taking similar steps, monitoring conditions and dispatching field crews to clean storm drains and culverts, trim trees and sweep roads in unincorporated areas, according to county spokesperson Donna Durckel.

In North County, Rep. Mike Levin announced a $26 million federal grant to repair the levee system along the San Luis Rey River near Oceanside and clear sediment from the channel — improvements to a flood-prone waterway that had been promised since 1970 but never carried out.

Pollution remains another persistent concern. Residents of southern San Diego and neighboring Imperial Beach regularly contend with sewage and industrial runoff flowing north from the Tijuana River. During heavy rain, that flow can overwhelm treatment plants, sending more untreated waste into the river and out to the ocean, creating hazardous beach conditions.

Flood control efforts are further complicated by the age of San Diego’s dams, which average about 100 years old — among the oldest in the nation. Four dams have safety issues requiring repair, including one at Lake Hodges rated “unsatisfactory” with an “extremely high downstream hazard potential” by the state Division of Safety of Dams.

That dam needs full replacement, but a plan to rebuild it by 2029 collapsed after cost estimates jumped from $275 million to as much as $697 million. The county water authority had agreed to cover half the replacement cost but backed out once the price more than doubled.

City officials are pressing forward regardless. In 2024, the City Council approved a 10-year, $100 million management contract for San Diego’s Dam Safety Program and expanded its dam safety team, which handles inspections and maintenance. The city is currently designing 36 short-term repair projects, according to spokesperson Jennifer McBride, though officials estimate $3 billion will be needed over the coming decades to complete all necessary upgrades.

In the meantime, the state has ordered San Diego to keep Lake Hodges below 280 feet to reduce the risk of dam failure during flooding. Some residents worry the lower water level is harming wildlife habitat, while reduced water storage could also raise wildfire risk — a real concern given that El Niño winters can swing toward drought just as easily as deluge.

Then there’s the surf. Big waves are already on forecasters’ radar, delighting surfers while worrying coastal officials. These swells build as sea levels rise from warmer water expansion, low-pressure systems, shifting ocean circulation patterns, and the layering of higher sea levels atop unusually high tides.

Gershunov warned that oversized waves can devastate coastal infrastructure, pointing to the 1982-83 El Niño, when the historic Scripps Pier suffered irreparable damage and the landmark Marine Room restaurant flooded. “There was a lot of coastal damage because big waves coincided with astronomically high tides,” he said. “The risk of coastal damage and erosion is elevated again this winter.”

Still, he noted a silver lining: “I think surfers who love big waves should be pretty happy this winter.”

Original source: CalMatters

The post San Diego Braces for Flash Floods and Powerful Waves as El Niño Threatens a Harsh Winter appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.

The climate pattern, driven by warmer-than-normal waters in the tropical Pacific and weakened trade winds, has historically ushered in wet winters for Southern California. But its track record is inconsistent enough that emergency planners are hedging their bets rather than betting on a single outcome.

“Large El Niños tend to tilt the odds toward more winter storms moving through the north Pacific, and bigger ones too, because of the extra energy the ocean feeds into the atmosphere,” said Dan Cayan, a climate researcher at Scripps Institution of Oceanography.

Still, the relationship between ocean warming and actual rainfall has grown less reliable in recent decades, complicating forecasts and pushing local governments to prepare for a broad spectrum of possibilities. Compounding the uncertainty is San Diego’s stormwater infrastructure, much of it decades old, along with a fleet of century-old dams that need major repairs.

In response, the city of San Diego has assembled an El Niño task force pulling in representatives from every municipal department to coordinate emergency response.

“From San Ysidro up through Sorrento Valley and Lake Hodges — anywhere there’s a creek, river or lake — we have to watch those spots closely to make sure we’re ready if extreme weather hits,” said Assistant Fire Chief Robert Rezende, who is overseeing the effort.

A pattern with a mixed history

El Niño takes shape when sea surface temperatures rise in the central and eastern tropical Pacific. The trade winds that typically blow from the Americas toward Asia slacken, sometimes even reversing course toward the California coast. That shift pushes warm water eastward, causing air to rise and spawning storm activity.

Meteorologists classify an El Niño once ocean temperatures climb a half-degree Celsius above average, according to Tyler Rodenbaugh, senior meteorologist for the San Diego County Water Authority. A reading of 1.5 degrees above normal earns the label “very strong” — which is where conditions stand today.

History shows these events can bring dramatically more rain. During the El Niño winters of 1982-83 and 1997-98, San Diego logged about 70 rainy days compared with the usual 40 to 45, and nearly 20 inches of rain fell at Lindbergh Field, roughly double a typical year’s total. Statewide, Sierra Nevada snowpack swelled as well, adding to runoff.

Yet the so-called “Godzilla El Niño” of 2015-16 broke that pattern entirely, delivering just 8 inches of rain at Lindbergh Field — well below normal.

“What actually happens depends on individual storms known as atmospheric rivers, and those don’t necessarily follow El Niño’s lead,” said Alexander Gershunov, a research meteorologist at Scripps.

Atmospheric rivers are narrow bands of concentrated moisture — essentially rivers flowing through the sky — that ferry water vapor from the tropics and can trigger intense downpours, according to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration.

Flood risk on the ground

San Diego’s terrain — hillside developments, floodplain construction and a maze of canyons — makes it especially prone to flooding when storms do arrive. How much damage results often comes down to whether the region’s flood-control systems can keep pace.

The January 2024 flooding along Chollas Creek offered a stark example, damaging roughly 1,000 homes in the Shelltown neighborhood of southeastern San Diego.

Rezende described it as a “1,000-year flood” that couldn’t have been avoided, and Cayan noted the creek’s small watershed is especially vulnerable to sudden, intense rain bursts. But many residents believe the destruction was made worse by years of deferred maintenance. Thousands filed lawsuits alleging the city failed to properly maintain its storm channels, worsening the flooding. Survivors say they continue to grapple with health issues — rashes, respiratory trouble, swelling — that they link to floodwater exposure and subsequent mold contamination in their homes.

The city’s current budget touts more than $800 million already spent on stormwater upgrades, including 18 projects finished last year, but acknowledges another $3.3 billion in needed work without a clear funding plan. City officials did not respond to requests from CalMatters for additional details on stormwater spending.

Still, officials say they’re keeping up routine maintenance where they can. The Stormwater Department is clearing debris from channels to keep water flowing during storms, according to Rezende, and is coordinating with the San Diego Lifeguard Service’s swiftwater rescue team to clear vegetation, open gates and remove obstructions so rescuers can reach anyone trapped by rising water.

San Diego County is taking similar precautions, tracking weather forecasts and sending crews to clear drains and inlets, trim trees and sweep streets in unincorporated areas, county spokesperson Donna Durckel said.

Further north, Rep. Mike Levin recently secured a $26 million federal grant to repair the levee system protecting the San Luis Rey River near Oceanside and to clear sediment buildup from the channel — repairs residents had been promised since 1970 but never received.

Pollution remains a persistent headache as well. Communities in south San Diego and neighboring Imperial Beach regularly deal with sewage and industrial contamination flowing from the Tijuana River. Heavy rain can overwhelm treatment plant capacity, sending more untreated waste downstream and fouling coastal waters.

Aging dams add to the risk

San Diego’s flood-control challenges are compounded by dams that average 100 years old, among the oldest in the country. Four are flagged for safety concerns requiring repair, including the dam at Lake Hodges, which state regulators rate “unsatisfactory” with “extremely high downstream hazard potential,” according to the California Division of Safety of Dams.

That dam needs to be rebuilt entirely, but a plan to complete the project by 2029 collapsed after cost estimates jumped from $275 million to as much as $697 million. The San Diego County Water Authority, which had agreed to split the cost, pulled out once the price more than doubled.

The city is now moving forward on its own. In 2024, the City Council approved a 10-year, $100 million contract to manage its Dam Safety Program, expanding the team responsible for inspections and maintenance and drawing up 36 near-term repair projects, according to city spokesperson Jennifer McBride. Full upgrades across the system are expected to cost $3 billion over the coming decades.

In the meantime, the state has directed the city to keep Lake Hodges below 280 feet to reduce the chance of dam failure during a major storm. Some residents argue the lower water level is hurting wildlife habitat and could leave the area more vulnerable during wildfire season — a real concern given that El Niño years can just as easily bring drought as deluge.

Waves to watch

Beyond flooding, forecasters are also eyeing dramatic surf conditions this winter — a mixed blessing for surfers and coastal managers alike.

Rising sea levels driven by warmer water expansion, shifting atmospheric pressure systems and altered ocean currents can combine with unusually high “king tides” to produce punishing swells.

Such waves have caused serious damage before. During the 1982-83 El Niño, massive surf destroyed the historic Scripps Pier beyond repair and flooded the landmark Marine Room restaurant. “There was a lot of coastal damage because the big waves coincided with astronomically high tides,” Gershunov said. “The risk of coastal damage and erosion is higher again this winter.”

Still, he noted a silver lining: “I think the surfers who love big waves should be satisfied this winter.”

Original source: CalMatters

The post San Diego Braces for a Winter of Floods, High Surf and El Niño Extremes appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.

A recent analysis from Southern Methodist University’s DataArts research center placed San Diego in the 90th percentile nationally for arts vibrancy, a measure that factors in the number of artists and arts organizations, spending on cultural programming, and government support. That’s a strong showing, putting San Diego among the top 100 communities out of nearly 1,000 studied. But it’s a step down from where the region stood in 2022, when it ranked in the 95th percentile.

“We see that big cities in general are really challenging places for arts and cultural organizations right now, with rising rents and inflation,” said Jen Benoit-Bryan, a professor of arts management and executive director of SMU DataArts.

The slide comes as San Diego’s peer cities — a group that includes Denver, Atlanta, Miami and Houston — are largely trending downward too, with the exception of Atlanta. Los Angeles ranked 12th nationally in the same study, and San Francisco came in second, helping California land eighth among states for arts investment and activity overall. New York held onto the top spot for a third consecutive year.

A separate study from the University of San Diego’s Nonprofit Institute paints an even starker picture locally. Researchers found that a third of San Diego arts nonprofits are in weak financial shape this year, and more than half have had to dip into reserve funds just to stay afloat.

That financial strain spilled into public view this spring when Mayor Todd Gloria proposed eliminating the city’s arts funding entirely as part of budget cuts. The move drew swift backlash from artists and cultural advocates. The City Council eventually restored a portion of that funding, and the Prebys Foundation stepped in with a $3 million commitment to help close the gap — but the arts sector still ended up with less support than before.

“We know San Diego is an arts-rich community, and arts and culture is very much a part of our fabric and our economic vitality,” said Christine Martinez, who manages Arts + Culture San Diego, a coalition representing roughly 150 organizations. “But looking at the report and seeing a slight decline over the last few years in our vibrancy is not a surprise.”

Martinez’s coalition is pushing a proposal to direct a share of local hotel tax revenue toward arts funding. San Diego County has already added $2 million in new arts money this year, a modest but notable counterpoint to the cuts happening elsewhere.

Behind the numbers is a workforce that’s increasingly stretched thin. Benoit-Bryan said the number of arts organizations per capita has been steadily declining across San Diego and its peer cities, and the region’s cultural workforce is shrinking too — likely, she said, because many workers simply can’t afford to stay in the field.

“We see that the compensation levels for the kind of workers in nonprofit cultural organizations are also lower than peers and have been declining over the last few years,” she said. “And federal dollars that are flowing into cultural organizations in San Diego are again lower than peers and in decline.”

The University of San Diego’s findings echo that concern. Tess Tinkler, director of research at the university’s Nonprofit Institute, said 80% of nonprofit leaders surveyed reported declining support from government sources, foundations, individual donors and corporate sponsors. Arts organizations in particular have seen wages stagnate for years.

“When we looked at wage gaps for arts organizations, they’re experiencing just no growth in wages over many years,” Tinkler said. “And that is worse than other nonprofits.”

Adjusted for inflation, wages for arts workers have essentially flatlined since 2012 — and have actually fallen in real terms, according to Tinkler. That’s happening even as San Diego remains one of the most expensive housing markets in the nation.

Healthcare costs add another layer of pressure for arts employers. “We are still able to cover the cost of healthcare for our employees, but we are stretched to the maximum to keep up,” said Jessica Hanson York, executive director of the Mingei International Museum in Balboa Park.

Advocates argue that arts funding shouldn’t be viewed as a luxury item in city budgets. The University of San Diego report pointed to research linking arts participation to stronger social connections, reduced anxiety and depression, and improved academic outcomes for young people. Nearly half of San Diegans surveyed said they had personally benefited from arts and culture nonprofits, and three-quarters said those organizations play an important role in the community. Supporters also note that the arts help drive tourism and local economic activity.

“When we have a loss of this kind of arts funding, it really does affect the community’s quality of life,” Tinkler said.

With traditional funding sources growing less reliable, some artists are building their own safety nets. Ramel Wallace, founder and CEO of the Holyfield, an organization supporting storytelling, music and education, said distrust of the nonprofit funding system has pushed many creatives toward alternative models — mutual aid networks, cooperatives, and lending circles where members pool money and take turns drawing from it.

Those systems can help cover the cost of art projects, Wallace said, but they’re just as often used to help artists cover rent, medical bills or other everyday expenses.

JerVae Anthony, a musician, performer and painter based in South San Diego, is building what she calls a solidarity fund to connect artists with technical, professional and financial support.

“I’m trying to build a program that seeks to use mutual aid and peer support to fill in those gaps, because some of us do require additional support, and it’s really important to make art-making accessible for all folks,” she said.

Through her network, Anthony has connected with hosts around the country willing to put up traveling artists free of charge. Fellow artists sometimes trade skills — a Photoshop tutorial over Zoom, for instance — or chip in to cover a month’s rent, groceries or a mobility device for someone in need.

Funding the effort requires a mix of grassroots hustle and traditional fundraising: grant applications, crowdfunding campaigns, and even a partnership with a church in North Carolina, Anthony said.

“It’s an important skill,” she said, “and I think networks are going to be how we get through these hard times.”

Original source: CalMatters

The post Funding Cuts and Flat Wages Threaten Southern California’s Once-Thriving Arts Scene appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.

At YMCA Camp Surf in Imperial Beach last week, middle schoolers spent their morning skateboarding, scaling a climbing tower and shooting arrows at a target range. Then, at midday, they boarded a bus for a 40-minute drive up the coast to Mission Beach, where they finally got to do the thing the camp is named for: surf.

Founded in 1969, Camp Surf has introduced generations of South County kids to water sports and outdoor recreation. Tucked right against the shoreline, with its surf-shack décor of driftwood and fishing nets, the camp has long embodied classic Southern California beach culture.

But in recent years, access to the ocean itself has been cut off by persistent sewage pollution pouring in from Tijuana, forcing the camp to get creative just to give kids a chance to catch a wave.

“Instead of being able to access the ocean right from Camp Surf, we now have to bus kids to other beaches,” said Jamie Cosson, executive director of overnight camps for the YMCA of San Diego County. “And people’s relationship with the camp has really been affected by that.”

Cross-border sewage contamination has plagued Imperial Beach, Coronado and other parts of South County for decades, and the crisis has intensified in recent years. As Tijuana’s population has grown and wastewater treatment plants on both sides of the border have failed, hundreds of millions of gallons of untreated sewage have poured into the ocean. The pollution has sickened swimmers and surfers and triggered near-constant beach closures over the past three years.

Residents of Imperial Beach describe waking up with headaches, asthma flare-ups and skin rashes after exposure to the water or to airborne pollutants from the Tijuana River. Local schools have shifted to alternative schedules when pollution spikes. Many residents of this working-class, majority-Latino community say they struggle to breathe, sleep and swim — and feel their environmental concerns have gone largely ignored.

The contamination has also chipped away at longtime traditions and made it harder for kids to simply play outside, leaving a generation of beach-town residents wary of the water.

“Without that access to a free, fun activity, the community isn’t as connected as it was when I was a kid,” said Taylor Case, 18, a recent graduate of Mar Vista High School in Imperial Beach.

**When the coast is off-limits for surfing**

At the entrance to Camp Surf sits an amphitheater where campers and staff gather for songfests, skits and bonfires. Behind it, cabins painted in sage green, turquoise and beige feature palm-thatched roofs and fishing nets draped along the walls. In the dining hall, a wood-beamed room lined with windows looks out over an empty stretch of sand.

The shoreline used to be filled with campers surfing, bodyboarding and building sandcastles, said Payton Schoonmaker, the camp’s program director. On weekends, church groups, Girl Scout troops and families would often pitch tents there.

“It used to basically look like a tent city, with like 300 people camping on the beach,” she said. “But now a lot of that business has gone away.”

Last week, campers instead took a short walk along the shore with their counselor, who told them: “We’re going to take a stroll on the beach and pick up a little trash, too.”

This summer, the camp expects around 700 overnight campers, from third through 12th grade — down from 1,200 last year, according to Cosson. Another 400 or so day campers, from first through seventh grade, will also attend.

With a full day of outdoor programming, the camp offers a break from screens and social media. Electronic devices aren’t allowed; kids check their phones at the gate.

“I think camps hold an incredibly important place in society today, letting kids unplug from technology, connect with nature and build real relationships away from devices,” Cosson said.

Throughout the day, campers play soccer, work on crafts, tackle a 35-foot climbing tower, roll through the skate park and line up to take aim at the archery range.

Last week, as two girls debated whether an arrow had landed in the bullseye or the surrounding yellow ring, a boy nearby couldn’t resist chiming in: “Girls, that was a bad shot!”

“On their first round, they might not even hit the target,” Schoonmaker said. “By the last round, they’re hitting the bullseye with all five arrows, so in just an hour, you can see that progress.”

That boost in confidence and independence is really the heart of the camp experience, she said. “It’s about making friends, trying new things and feeling like you belong to a group.”

That includes surfing — even if it now takes a road trip to get there. Since 2023, the camp’s own beaches have been closed for most of the summer, forcing campers to travel elsewhere to surf and swim.

When conditions allow, they head to nearby Coronado, about 15 minutes north by bus. Lately, though, that city has also faced closures, pushing campers to travel even farther up the coast.

Last week, at midday, they boarded a bus, ate turkey sandwiches on the lawn at South Mission Beach, then paddled out en masse. Some kids tumbled off their boards the moment they tried to stand, while others quickly got the hang of it — one boy even popped a 180-degree spin while riding a wave toward shore.

“We’ve made it work,” Cosson said. “We still have a ton of kids out there — it’s just been a challenge for us.”

**Training young lifeguards**

The ripple effects of the beach closures extend well beyond the camp, creating gaps in outdoor education, physical activity, recreation and water safety training for kids across South County.

“We have children growing up in a community where they can’t get in the water, and that’s really tragic, because that’s where they learn about water safety and swimming,” Cosson said.

Like Camp Surf, Imperial Beach’s Junior Lifeguard program has had to make do with limited resources since the pandemic.

The program was suspended during COVID-19 shutdowns and then reopened facing a different kind of public health threat: sewage pollution.

“I don’t think we’ve had a single day with the beach open,” said Jason Lindquist, Imperial Beach’s lifeguard chief. “We go somewhere else. We bus everybody around. We can’t use the beach for anything. It’s been a real challenge.”

The program adapted by renting a school bus to shuttle young lifeguards up and down the coast. At first, they took kids to nearby Silver Strand Beach, just a few minutes north. But when that beach also began facing frequent water-quality closures, they had to broaden their search.

Imperial Beach’s junior lifeguards now follow a three-week schedule that includes stops at nearly every other coastal city in San Diego County, coordinated with neighboring lifeguard agencies.

“Every other lifeguard agency told us we could come whenever we wanted,” Lindquist said. “We’ve been all over the county. Our junior lifeguards probably have the most complete view of the coastline of anybody.”

Some kids get discouraged by the long bus rides, he said, but many participants and their parents actually enjoy the variety. Demand for the program routinely outpaces capacity, and transportation and staffing limits prevent the city from enrolling as many junior lifeguards as it would like.

That makes it harder to prepare Imperial Beach’s youth to enjoy the ocean safely — and to train the next generation of professional lifeguards.

“Imperial Beach’s identity has always been rooted in our coastline, and our Junior Lifeguard program plays a critical role in preparing local youth to become skilled ocean lifeguards, good citizens and community leaders,” Imperial Beach Mayor Mitch McKay said in a statement to CalMatters. “The importance of the program is undeniable — many current and former city lifeguards graduated from our Junior Lifeguard program and have gone on to become loyal, highly trained, full-time city employees.”

**”We don’t have that beach anymore”**

Families and community leaders in Imperial Beach have spent a lot of time thinking about what it means to live in a place where so much of the outdoor space is compromised by pollution.

In this city of roughly 25,000 residents, 53% are Latino, and the median household income is about $86,000 — roughly $20,000 below the San Diego County average and at least $50,000 below neighboring coastal cities. It’s one of the few places left in the region where working-class families can afford to live near the beach. But they can’t actually enjoy it.

“I always wonder what kind of message it sends to young people and families when the closest beach is closed and it’s hard to breathe,” said Tiffany Curry, public policy coordinator for Outdoor Outreach, a San Diego nonprofit.

The organization runs surf lessons and outdoor education programs for kids across South County — but not in Imperial Beach itself. Like Camp Surf, they bus kids to other beaches, sometimes as far north as Oceanside, roughly 50 miles away.

“Whenever we’re serving young people affected by the pollution, we have to take them out of their own communities,” Curry said.

San Diego County tests water quality at its beaches daily and, in 2022, began using DNA-based testing that delivers results within hours rather than days. The county issues warnings or advisories when bacteria or other contaminant levels exceed state standards, and imposes mandatory closures when a known sewage or chemical spill contaminates the water. Since 2023, much of Imperial Beach’s coastline has remained closed or under advisory almost continuously due to poor water quality.

Some improvements are in the works. The United States and Mexico have committed a combined $800 million to repair failing wastewater treatment plants, and both countries upgraded facilities last year. Local officials are also seeking $25 million to address a known pollution hotspot near Saturn Boulevard, believed to be a major source of airborne contamination. This year, Imperial Beach plans to build a water play area near its pier to give residents a way to enjoy the water close to shore, according to McKay.

For some young people in the community, those fixes still feel far off. Taylor Case has heard her mother and other Imperial Beach neighbors describe summer nights spent around beach bonfires, and had hoped to experience that herself before heading off to college this fall.

“They talk about how much fun they had with their friends and family, and how close-knit the community was, and I just don’t see that anymore,” said Case, who hasn’t gone into the ocean near her home since 2017. “And I know for a fact it’s because of the pollution, because we don’t have that beach anymore.”

Original source: CalMatters

The post Sewage Contamination Keeps Children Out of the Water in This California Coastal Town appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.

The order, issued Wednesday by U.S. District Judge James Simmons Jr. of the Southern District of California, requires the privately run detention center to permit an inspection of the 1,400-bed facility. The ruling could shape how counties across California use a new state law that gives local governments additional authority to inspect privately operated immigration detention centers.

San Diego County sued the U.S. Department of Homeland Security in March after two county supervisors and a health inspector were denied full access to the Otay Mesa facility, which is owned and operated by CoreCivic. The county was the first in California to attempt to use inspection powers granted under a 2024 state law.

Simmons indicated last month that the county was likely to prevail on its claim that it has authority under state law to conduct public health inspections at the facility.

In Wednesday’s order, the judge wrote that the inspection must be completed “as soon as possible” and no later than June 17, 2026. He also directed CoreCivic to provide a list of policies and procedures requested by the county.

“The county is responsible for the safety and health of anyone within its jurisdiction, including people detained in the facility,” County Counsel Damon Brown said at a news conference after a May hearing.

Otay Mesa is one of eight privately operated immigration detention centers in California. Together, those facilities hold about 5,300 people, up from roughly 3,100 shortly after President Trump took office in April 2025 and began a nationwide immigration enforcement campaign.

The judge also instructed county officials to work with the Department of Homeland Security, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement and CoreCivic to resolve details of the inspection. Those issues include who may participate, which parts of the facility may be reviewed, and how officials should obtain consent from detainees for interviews and medical record reviews.

During the court hearing, CoreCivic attorney Anne Orcutt said the Tennessee-based private prison company had filed a California Public Records Act request with San Diego County to determine whether county supervisors typically accompany health officials during public health inspections.

Speaking by Zoom, Orcutt described the county’s request to inspect the facility as unprecedented and discriminatory toward the federal government.

San Diego County Supervisor Terra Lawson-Remer, who was denied access during the attempted inspection in February, dismissed that argument as a distraction.

“That is a clear red herring,” Lawson-Remer said. “The first people who arrived were a public health official and a nurse. They were not allowed access to any of the relevant documents and were removed from the facility. The public health inspection was denied with or without our presence.”

At a March news conference announcing the lawsuit, county supervisors said reporting by CalMatters had played an important role in prompting the inspection order. Supervisor Paloma Aguirre specifically cited the case of a deaf Mongolian man who spent more than four months in custody without access to a Mongolian sign language interpreter, a situation his attorney described as total isolation.

CoreCivic spokesman Ryan Gustin said the company’s top priority is “the safety, health and well-being of the individuals in our care.”

“We fully respect the judicial process and remain committed to working with both ICE and San Diego County to reach a mutually agreed-upon resolution to this matter,” Gustin said.

Original source: CalMatters

The post Federal Judge Orders San Diego County Health Inspection at Immigration Detention Center appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.

U.S. District Judge James Simmons Jr. of the Southern District of California issued the order Wednesday, directing the 1,400-bed facility to allow the county’s inspection to move forward as soon as possible and no later than June 17, 2026. The Otay Mesa facility is owned and operated by CoreCivic under contract with federal immigration authorities.

The ruling comes after San Diego County sued the Department of Homeland Security in March, arguing that county officials were unlawfully denied access when they attempted to inspect the facility earlier this year. The county sought to enforce a California law passed in 2024 that authorizes local health officials to inspect immigrant detention centers.

San Diego County is the first county in California to try to use that authority. The case could influence how other local governments across the state handle inspections of detention centers that hold people in federal immigration custody.

In a prior ruling last month, Simmons indicated the county was likely to prevail on its claim that it has authority under state law to conduct public health inspections at the facility. In Wednesday’s order, he also directed CoreCivic to provide the county with a list of requested policies and procedures.

“The county is responsible for the safety and the health of anyone who is within this jurisdiction, which includes those detained in the facility,” County Counsel Damon Brown said during a May news conference following a court hearing.

Otay Mesa is one of eight privately run immigration detention centers in California. Together, those facilities are holding about 5,300 people, an increase from roughly 3,100 shortly after President Donald Trump took office in April 2025 and began a nationwide immigration enforcement push.

The judge ordered county officials to confer with the Department of Homeland Security, Immigration and Customs Enforcement and CoreCivic to work out the details of the inspection. Those issues include who may take part, which areas of the detention center may be inspected, and how detainees’ consent will be obtained for interviews and review of medical records.

During the court hearing, CoreCivic attorney Anne Orcutt said the company has filed a California Public Records Act request with San Diego County to determine whether county supervisors typically accompany health officials during public health inspections. Orcutt, who appeared by Zoom, described the county’s attempted inspection as unusual and argued it unfairly singled out the federal government.

San Diego County Supervisor Terra Lawson-Remer, who was among the officials denied access during the February inspection attempt, rejected that argument.

“That is the epitome of a red herring,” Lawson-Remer said. “The first people who arrived were a public health officer and a nurse. They were not allowed access to any of the relevant documents and were kicked out of the facility. The public health inspection was denied with or without our presence.”

County supervisors announced the lawsuit in March and said reporting by CalMatters had helped prompt their concerns about conditions at the facility. Supervisor Paloma Aguirre specifically cited the case of a deaf Mongolian man who was detained for more than four months without access to a Mongolian Sign Language interpreter. His attorney said the lack of communication amounted to conditions similar to solitary confinement.

CoreCivic spokesman Ryan Gustin said the company remains focused on the people held at the facility.

“Our top priority is the safety, health and well-being of the individuals entrusted to our care,” Gustin said. “We fully respect the judicial process and remain committed to working with both ICE and San Diego County to find a mutually agreed-upon resolution to this matter.”

Original source: CalMatters

The post Judge Orders San Diego County Health Inspection at Immigrant Detention Center appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.

A small group of Republican state lawmakers considered vulnerable by Democrats has drawn multiple challengers, setting up races that could help determine the balance of power in Sacramento after November. Under California’s top-two primary system, the two candidates who receive the most votes advance to the general election, regardless of party.

Democratic candidates in swing districts are hoping President Donald Trump’s declining popularity in California, along with voter reaction to his policies on tariffs, immigration enforcement and the war in Iran, will create problems for Republican incumbents. GOP lawmakers, meanwhile, have sought to avoid making Trump the focus of their campaigns while still holding support from the party’s pro-Trump base.

One of the Inland Empire’s most closely watched races is in Riverside County, where Assemblymember Leticia Castillo, a Corona Republican, is expected to face a rematch with Riverside City Councilmember Clarissa Cervantes, a Democrat. Cervantes narrowly lost to Castillo two years ago after raising substantial campaign funds. Tuesday’s results could provide a preview of how competitive their November contest may be.

In the Coachella Valley, Republican Assemblymember Jeff Gonzalez of Coachella is being challenged by three Democrats. Gonzalez has taken a more moderate position on immigration than many of his Republican colleagues, a stance that could be tested in a district where Democrats see an opportunity.

Similar dynamics are playing out in other purple districts across the state, from northern Sacramento County to Orange County, where Republican incumbents are trying to hold off Democratic efforts to flip seats.

Democrats are also defending seats in Southern California. In San Diego County, Sen. Catherine Blakespear, an Encinitas Democrat, faces Republican Laura Bassett in a district expected to be competitive.

Elsewhere in the state, heavily Democratic areas are featuring crowded intraparty contests for open seats. In the coastal district that includes Malibu and Santa Monica, several Democrats are competing to replace Sen. Ben Allen, who is running for state insurance commissioner. In Los Angeles, a five-way race to succeed Assemblymember Mike Gipson, who is leaving office because of term limits, has divided major labor unions and Democratic organizations.

San Diego County also has a Republican contest that may signal where the state party is headed. The race to replace GOP Sen. Brian Jones, who is termed out, has become a fight between two wings of the party: a more moderate San Marcos city councilmember backed by Jones and a far-right conservative contender.

Together, the results will offer an early measure of how much national politics may shape California’s legislative races — and whether Democrats can turn concerns about Trump into gains in competitive districts across Southern California and beyond.

Original source: CalMatters

The post Today’s Election Tests Whether Trump’s Slide Is Weighing on California Republicans appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.

Under California’s top-two primary system, the two candidates who receive the most votes advance to the general election, regardless of party. That format is especially important this year as Democrats seek to regain control of Congress and as Republicans have benefited nationally from a series of redistricting-related court decisions.

Democrats are entering the primary with optimism in California after voters approved Proposition 50, which redrew congressional boundaries and sharply reduced the number of competitive districts statewide. If Democrats win the House, they would gain the power to block President Donald Trump’s legislative priorities, scrutinize cabinet officials and pursue investigations into his administration.

Despite the broader national stakes, only two California districts are considered truly competitive: one in the San Joaquin Valley and one in San Diego County. Several other closely watched contests involve Democrats challenging fellow Democrats, often with generational and ideological divides at the center of the campaigns.

The highest-profile race is in the 22nd Congressional District, anchored by Bakersfield and the San Joaquin Valley. Republican Rep. David Valadao, considered one of the most vulnerable GOP incumbents in the country, is seeking reelection. His lone defeat came in 2018 during Trump’s first term. As the only Republican in the race, Valadao is widely expected to secure a spot in the November runoff.

The more uncertain question is which Democrat will face him. Assemblymember Jasmeet Bains, a physician with extensive experience in hospitals and clinics that depend on Medi-Cal funding, is running as a pragmatic Democrat willing to break with her party. She is competing against Randy Villegas, a college professor and school board trustee who is campaigning as a progressive and has support from the Working Families Party, the Congressional Progressive Caucus and Sen. Bernie Sanders.

The contest reflects a broader Democratic debate over how to win back voters who drifted away in 2024. Bains has backing from national Democrats and several current members of Congress, while Villegas is appealing to voters with a more progressive, economically populist message.

In San Diego County’s 48th Congressional District, Democrats are competing for the chance to run against Republican Jim Desmond, a San Diego County supervisor who has been endorsed by retiring Rep. Darrell Issa.

Two Democrats have separated themselves from the field: San Diego City Councilmember Marni von Wilpert and Ammar Campa-Najjar, a former Labor Department aide in the Obama administration who previously lost two races to Issa. Brandon Riker, a Palm Springs businessman who shifted districts after Proposition 50, is also running.

The Democratic primary has grown increasingly sharp. Von Wilpert accused Campa-Najjar of being anti-LGBTQ after he questioned whether she could appeal to voters beyond gay-friendly Palm Springs. Campa-Najjar, in turn, accused von Wilpert of racism for raising questions about his name changes and residency.

Elsewhere in California, several races are testing the staying power of longtime Democratic incumbents as younger candidates argue the party needs new leadership.

In San Francisco’s 11th Congressional District, the race to succeed former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi has developed into a competition for second place. State Sen. Scott Wiener leads by double digits in public polling and is expected to advance to November. San Francisco Supervisor Connie Chan, who received Pelosi’s endorsement two weeks before election day, and billionaire tech entrepreneur Saikat Chakrabarti are battling for the other runoff spot.

In Sacramento’s 7th Congressional District, Democratic Rep. Doris Matsui is facing the most serious challenge of her 20-year congressional career. Her opponent, Sacramento City Councilmember Mai Vang, is a progressive candidate nearly half Matsui’s age and is campaigning on a message of generational change.

The reshaped 6th Congressional District in the Sacramento suburbs has also drawn attention. Democratic Rep. Ami Bera left that district to run in the newly configured 3rd District. Rep. Kevin Kiley, the incumbent in the 3rd, later left the Republican Party and entered the 6th District race as an independent.

A Democratic-sponsored poll showed Kiley leading the field, with former state Sen. Dr. Richard Pan ahead of the other Democratic candidates. Other Democrats running include Sacramento County District Attorney Thien Ho, Planned Parenthood public affairs executive Lauren Babb-Tomlinson and West Sacramento Mayor Martha Guerrero.

In Wine Country’s 4th Congressional District, Democratic Rep. Mike Thompson, 75, is seeking a 15th term while facing a challenge from 36-year-old Eric Jones, a former venture capitalist. Jones is focusing his campaign on affordability, including a proposed $10,000 middle-class tax credit and expanded access to zero-down mortgages.

Thompson is emphasizing his seniority, his work opposing the Trump administration and his record of securing federal funding for local projects. He serves as a senior member of the House Ways and Means Committee, which oversees tax policy. Two Republican candidates, John MacKenzie and Ray Rihele, have been heavily outspent and are not expected to advance.

In Los Angeles County’s 32nd Congressional District, Democratic Rep. Brad Sherman, 71, is seeking another term after nearly three decades representing some of the region’s affluent northwestern suburbs. His leading challenger, 42-year-old Jake Levine, argues Sherman has grown disconnected from the district.

Levine, a former climate adviser to Presidents Barack Obama and Joe Biden, is running on a progressive platform that includes universal child care, a federal renters’ tax credit and tuition-free college.

Both Sherman and Levine are expected to move on to the November election.

Original source: CalMatters

The post California House Primaries Could Help Decide Control of Congress appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.