Since World War II, 11 men have served as California governor, with Jerry Brown counted for his two separate periods in office. Six were Republicans, beginning with Earl Warren, and five were Democrats, including Gov. Gavin Newsom.

Their tenures can also be viewed another way: Some used the office as a platform for national ambitions, while others concentrated more directly on running the state. That divide is nearly even.

Newsom, whose term has roughly six months left, is widely expected to pursue the presidency after leaving office. In that respect, he follows a line of California governors who looked beyond Sacramento, including Warren, who was the Republican vice presidential nominee in 1948 before becoming chief justice of the United States, and Ronald Reagan, who went on to win the White House.

Other Republican governors — Goodwin Knight, George Deukmejian, Pete Wilson and Arnold Schwarzenegger — largely remained focused on state-level governing. Among Democrats, Pat Brown and Gray Davis fit that mold as well. Jerry Brown’s record is more complicated: During his first two terms, he ran for president twice and once for the U.S. Senate. When he returned to the governor’s office nearly three decades later, he adopted a more disciplined, policy-focused approach.

Becerra appears more likely to belong to the governing-first category.

He will face Hilton in the general election after advancing from the primary, and he enters the fall campaign as the strong favorite. No Republican has won statewide office in California since Schwarzenegger’s reelection in 2006. Democrats also hold a major registration advantage over Republicans, 45% to 25%.

Becerra’s political style is a sharp contrast to Newsom’s more public-facing and often combative approach. He is soft-spoken, closely identifies with his background as the son of working-class immigrants in Sacramento, and has long been aligned with organized labor. Unlike Newsom, who climbed through a series of elected offices, Becerra’s rise included several key appointments.

After working as an attorney in the state Department of Justice and as a legislative aide, Becerra served one term in the Assembly. He then represented a Southern California district in Congress for 24 years before Gov. Jerry Brown appointed him attorney general in 2017, filling the vacancy created when Kamala Harris was elected to the U.S. Senate. In 2021, President Joe Biden selected Becerra to lead the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. Becerra left that post last year and soon after began his campaign for governor.

For much of the race, Becerra appeared to be trailing the top tier of candidates and was not considered a sure bet to make the November runoff. That changed after Rep. Eric Swalwell, who had been leading in polling, left the race in April and resigned from Congress amid allegations of sexual harassment and abuse. Billionaire Tom Steyer then appeared to be the leading contender.

But Becerra quickly gained support from major business interests, labor unions and other parts of California’s political establishment. Their money and organizational backing helped propel him to a first-place finish in the primary and a spot on the November ballot.

If Becerra becomes governor, Californians should not expect the kind of headline-grabbing gestures associated with Jerry Brown’s first stint in the 1970s or Newsom’s time in office since 2019. His background suggests a more methodical administration, one likely to focus on the state’s most persistent problems rather than national visibility.

Those problems are substantial. California continues to struggle with homelessness, a severe housing shortage, poverty and the loss of businesses and residents to other states — issues felt acutely across Southern California and the Inland Empire, where affordability and economic pressure remain central concerns.

Becerra’s likely model may be closer to Jerry Brown’s second governorship: less showmanship, more attention to the state’s fiscal and policy challenges. For a state facing a long list of unresolved crises, that kind of approach could prove valuable.

Original source: CalMatters

The post Xavier Becerra Would Bring Workhorse Style to California Governor’s Office appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.

Hilton, a British American former Fox News host, had about 25% of the vote in the June 2 primary, with roughly 88% of ballots counted as of Tuesday night. Under California’s top-two primary system, the two candidates with the most votes move on to the November ballot regardless of party affiliation.

Becerra, a Democrat and former California attorney general who later served as U.S. Health and Human Services secretary, emerged from a crowded field of Democratic contenders.

In a statement, Hilton said he would lead a “movement for change” in California and portrayed Becerra as a continuation of what he described as years of Democratic control in Sacramento.

“My mission is clear: go to Sacramento, end the corruption, cut your costs, help your businesses and improve our schools,” Hilton said. “We cannot keep voting the same way and expect different results.”

Hilton’s second-place finish shuts billionaire Democrat Tom Steyer out of the November race, despite Steyer spending $215 million of his own money on a populist campaign that heavily advertised across the state. His defeat turns the general election into a more traditional partisan contest during a midterm election year, rather than the all-Democratic showdown Steyer’s supporters had hoped for.

Steyer conceded Tuesday night and endorsed Becerra for November. In his statement, he said he was proud to have angered utility companies, technology firms and major oil interests, and said he did not blame voters who “simply could not bring themselves to vote for a billionaire.”

“It is absolutely essential that Trump’s handpicked candidate not be given the keys to California,” Steyer said, referring to Hilton.

With several Democrats splitting the vote, Hilton led polling for much of the primary campaign. He appealed to conservative voters by promising to cut income taxes and the gas tax, expand oil drilling and roll back environmental regulations, including state greenhouse gas reduction mandates.

Hilton has framed his campaign as a chance for Californians facing high costs to end what he calls “16 years of one-party rule.” Former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, the last Republican to lead California, left office in 2011.

“The people of California have been very generous in giving the Democratic Party the opportunity to show that their ideas work,” Hilton said last week during a Sacramento news conference where he declared victory early. “I think patience is running out.”

Still, Hilton faces steep odds in November. Democrats outnumber Republicans in California by nearly two to one. While Hilton argues that voters are ready for a different course, Republican candidates have routinely reached the general election for governor over the past two decades, and Democrats have won every race except Schwarzenegger’s.

Hilton also has the endorsement of President Donald Trump, who remains deeply unpopular among California voters. Hilton has not distanced himself from that support.

“I think it will be very helpful for Californians to have a governor who has a good working relationship with the president and his team,” Hilton said.

Hilton’s central campaign pledge is to eliminate the state income tax on the first $100,000 of income and create a flat tax rate for earnings above that amount. Last week, he said his campaign would consider raising that threshold after reviewing California’s cost of living. Either proposal would significantly reduce state revenue, which Hilton has said he would offset by cutting one-third of state spending.

He has not detailed how he would win approval for such a plan from a Legislature controlled by Democratic supermajorities.

Hilton was born in London to Hungarian immigrant parents. He began his political career with Britain’s Conservative Party and played a prominent role in the rise of Prime Minister David Cameron in 2010. In 2012, he moved to Silicon Valley, where his wife worked as a Google executive, and later entered the startup world. He launched a weekly Fox News program, “The Next Revolution,” in 2017 during Trump’s first presidency. The show aired until 2023.

Original source: CalMatters

The post Republican Steve Hilton to Face Becerra in November Race for California Governor appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.

Becerra, a former California attorney general and former U.S. health secretary, had nearly 27% of the vote from the June 2 primary when The Associated Press called the race Friday afternoon, with roughly two-thirds of ballots counted. If elected in November, he would become California’s first Latino governor in more than a century and the first Latino ever elected to the office, a milestone his campaign has emphasized as historic.

His opponent in the general election was not immediately settled. Early returns showed Republican Steve Hilton likely to advance with more than 26% of the vote, while Democrat Tom Steyer trailed with about 21%. More than 3 million ballots remained uncounted, and late-counted ballots in California often lean Democratic because many Democratic voters submit mail ballots close to Election Day.

California’s primary system sends the top two vote-getters to the November ballot regardless of party, meaning the final contest could take very different shapes depending on who finishes second.

If Hilton advances, Becerra would enter the fall campaign with a strong partisan advantage. Democrats outnumber Republicans in California by nearly 2 to 1, and Hilton has been endorsed by President Donald Trump, who remains deeply unpopular with many California voters.

If Steyer overtakes Hilton, the November race could become an expensive and divisive contest between two wings of the Democratic Party. Steyer, a former hedge fund manager, major Democratic donor and climate activist, has run as a progressive and has drawn support from allies of Bernie Sanders. He also spent hundreds of millions of dollars from his personal fortune during the primary.

Becerra, by contrast, has been backed by much of the Democratic establishment, along with major support and financial help from labor unions and business groups.

For much of the campaign, Becerra appeared to be a long shot, polling in single digits as other Democrats drew more attention. His standing improved after the political decline of former front-runner Eric Swalwell, as establishment Democrats increasingly coalesced around Becerra instead of former Rep. Katie Porter or Steyer, who ran as a political outsider.

The turnaround was striking for a soft-spoken career politician who had previously been grouped among lower-polling Democrats. At one point, California Democratic Party Chairman Rusty Hicks publicly urged candidates in that tier to leave the race.

“Guess what? The underdog stayed in the fight,” Becerra told supporters at an election night gathering Tuesday in Los Angeles, describing his near-victory as an example of “the everyday miracle” of a state where the unlikely can become expected.

The general election comes at a consequential moment for California, including Southern California and the Inland Empire, where residents continue to face steep housing costs, high utility bills, expensive gasoline and growing insurance challenges tied to wildfire risk. State leaders also face an unstable budget, looming federal reductions to California’s large health care system and economic strains connected to immigration enforcement.

So far, Becerra has not laid out a major break from the policies of Gov. Gavin Newsom, who is completing his second term. To address affordability, Becerra has said he would declare a state of emergency to freeze utility and homeowners insurance rates while examining why they have risen. He also has said he would enforce existing housing laws to ensure local governments plan for new construction.

Like other California Democrats, Becerra has said he supports reducing greenhouse gas emissions and moving toward cleaner energy while keeping gasoline prices affordable.

Becerra, the son of Mexican immigrants, grew up in Sacramento and began his political career in the 1990s. A young attorney, he won a Los Angeles-area seat in the state Legislature before being elected to Congress two years later. He served in the House for 24 years before being appointed California attorney general in 2017 during Trump’s first administration. He later served as secretary of health and human services under President Joe Biden.

During the primary, Becerra faced criticism over his record in federal office. Some Democratic leaders revived complaints about his leadership during the COVID-19 pandemic. Primary opponents also repeatedly pointed to his agency’s role in placing large numbers of migrant children in homes before some were later found working in dangerous or exploitative jobs.

Steyer, in particular, also attacked Becerra over the surge of donations from corporations and special interests that helped boost his campaign in the final weeks of the race.

Hilton has sought to channel Republican frustration over California’s high cost of living and regulatory climate, portraying Becerra as a continuation of the Newsom era. Becerra has offered few major policy departures from Newsom and, during a debate, said he would give the governor an “A” for effort on homelessness, even as the number of unhoused residents has risen sharply over Newsom’s two terms.

Becerra has largely answered criticism by emphasizing his decades in government and his record suing the Trump administration when he served as California attorney general.

“You can make all those big, exaggerated promises,” Becerra said this week in a comment aimed at critics such as Steyer. “But what matters is delivering.”

Original source: CalMatters

The post Democrat Xavier Becerra Advances to November Race for California Governor appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.

Becerra, a former California attorney general and former U.S. health secretary, had nearly 27% of the vote in the June 2 primary as of Friday afternoon, with roughly two-thirds of ballots counted. His campaign described the result as historic, noting that if elected in November, Becerra would become California’s first Latino governor in more than 100 years and the first Latino elected to the office.

His November opponent has not yet been determined. Republican Steve Hilton was close behind with more than 26% of the vote and appeared most likely to claim the second runoff spot. But Democrat Tom Steyer had not conceded, and nearly 3 million ballots remained uncounted. Because many Democratic voters returned ballots late, the remaining vote could lean more heavily toward Democratic candidates.

California’s primary system sends the top two vote-getters to the general election, regardless of party affiliation.

The makeup of the November race could dramatically change the campaign. If Hilton advances, Becerra would enter the fall contest with a major partisan advantage in a state where registered Democrats outnumber Republicans by nearly two-to-one. Hilton also carries the endorsement of President Donald Trump, who remains deeply unpopular among many California voters.

If Steyer overtakes Hilton, the general election would become a Democrat-versus-Democrat fight between two very different factions of the party. Steyer, a former hedge fund manager, major Democratic donor and climate activist, has campaigned as a progressive and spent heavily from his own fortune during the primary. He drew support from allies of Bernie Sanders, while Becerra attracted more backing from the Democratic establishment, as well as important support and funding from labor and industry groups.

Becerra’s rise came after he had spent much of the campaign polling in single digits. His standing improved after the collapse of former frontrunner Eric Swalwell’s campaign, as many establishment Democrats moved toward Becerra over former Rep. Katie Porter and Steyer.

The shift marked a rapid turnaround for Becerra, who had earlier been among several lower-polling Democrats facing public pressure from state party chair Rusty Hicks to leave the race.

“Guess what? The underdog stayed in the fight,” Becerra told supporters Tuesday night at an election night rally in Los Angeles, calling his strong showing “the everyday miracle of living in a state that regularly makes the improbable seem inevitable.”

The next governor will inherit a state facing major challenges, many of them felt sharply across Southern California and the Inland Empire. California residents continue to struggle with high housing and utility costs, elevated gas prices worsened by the war in Iran, wildfire danger that has disrupted the insurance market, a fragile state budget, expected federal cuts to the state’s health care system and an economy affected by immigration enforcement.

So far, Becerra has not outlined a sweeping break from Newsom’s policies. To address affordability, he has said he would declare a state of emergency to freeze utility and home insurance rates while examining why costs are rising. He also has said he would enforce existing housing laws to make sure local governments plan for new construction. Like other California Democrats, Becerra has indicated he is open to slowing parts of the state’s clean-energy transition and greenhouse gas reduction mandates if needed to keep fuel prices down.

Becerra, the son of Mexican immigrants, grew up in Sacramento and began his political career in the 1990s. As a young attorney, he won a Los Angeles-area seat in the state Legislature and was elected to Congress two years later. He served in the House for 24 years before Newsom appointed him California attorney general in 2017 during Trump’s first administration. He later joined President Joe Biden’s Cabinet as secretary of Health and Human Services.

During the primary, Becerra faced criticism over his time in the Biden administration. Some Democrats revived complaints about his leadership during the pandemic. Opponents also criticized his agency’s screening of homes for migrant children, some of whom were later found working in dangerous or exploitative jobs.

Steyer also attacked Becerra over a late surge of campaign support from corporations and special interests.

Hilton has tried to frame Becerra as a continuation of the Newsom era, tapping into Republican frustration over California’s cost of living and business regulations. Becerra has not offered major departures from Newsom’s agenda and said during one debate that he would give Newsom an “A for effort” on homelessness, even as homelessness has increased significantly during Newsom’s two terms.

Becerra has countered those attacks by emphasizing his decades in public office and his record of suing the Trump administration while serving as California attorney general.

“You can have all these great inflated promises,” Becerra said this week, referring to critics such as Steyer. “But delivery is more important.”

Original source: CalMatters

The post Democrat Xavier Becerra Advances to November Race for California Governor appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.

Democrat Xavier Becerra was running in second place behind Republican Steve Hilton in the most recent count, while progressive billionaire Tom Steyer trailed in third. That positioning would ensure at least one Democrat advances to November, averting what had been a politically alarming possibility for the party: two Republicans moving forward in one of the most Democratic states in the country.

But the way the race arrived at this point has renewed concerns about whether California’s primary system is producing healthy democratic outcomes.

For much of the campaign, Democrat Eric Swalwell had been a leading contender. He left the race after multiple women accused him of sexual misconduct, including one allegation under investigation by the Manhattan District Attorney. Whether the timing of those allegations was driven by political strategy or by the normal pace of reporting and corroboration, the result was unmistakable: the race was upended, the Democratic field shifted quickly, and the party narrowly avoided a disastrous general-election matchup.

That kind of volatility, critics argue, is not evidence of a strong system. It reflects a political structure shaped by low-turnout primaries, crowded fields and enormous campaign spending — conditions that can leave major decisions in the hands of a relatively small slice of the electorate.

The eventual first-place finisher in the primary may do so with roughly a quarter of the vote. In a state where primary turnout often includes only about 20% of eligible voters, that means a candidate can effectively lead the field with the active support of only a small fraction of Californians.

For voters across Southern California and the Inland Empire, the consequences are not abstract. The state’s political system continues to struggle with issues that dominate daily life: housing costs, utility bills, school funding challenges and growing wildfire risk. Those problems persist not because policy options are unknown, but because the incentives facing elected officials often reward partisan loyalty, donor support and base turnout more than broad public problem-solving.

One proposed change is ranked-choice voting, which allows voters to rank candidates in order of preference rather than choosing only one. Supporters say it reduces the chance that a candidate wins with a narrow plurality after similar candidates split the vote.

Another model would allow the top five primary finishers to advance to the general election, where voters would then use ranked-choice ballots to determine the winner. Advocates say such a system would make it more likely that California elects a governor with broader majority support.

Alaska has adopted a version of this approach, sending the top four primary candidates to the general election and using ranked-choice voting to select the winner. Voters there approved the system six years ago and rejected an attempt to repeal it in 2024.

Still, election mechanics alone may not solve California’s deeper civic problem. A better ballot does not automatically persuade disengaged voters to participate. Many Californians skip primaries because they do not believe voting will produce visible results on the issues that matter to them.

That points to a larger challenge: the weakening of civic institutions that once connected residents to government. Unions, religious congregations, neighborhood groups, veterans’ organizations and other trusted local networks historically helped voters understand candidates, organize around shared concerns and hold officeholders accountable.

Rebuilding that kind of civic infrastructure may be as important as changing the ballot itself. Without stronger public engagement, California may continue to depend on luck, scandals or fragmented vote totals to avoid troubling political outcomes.

The latest governor’s race may have spared Democrats their worst-case scenario. But narrowly escaping a political crisis is not the same as fixing the system that made it possible.

Original source: CalMatters

The post California Governor’s Race Raises Concerns About Democracy’s Resilience appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.

Becerra, a former congressman, state attorney general and Biden administration cabinet secretary, was widely expected to advance from Tuesday’s primary under California’s top-two election system. The major uncertainty was who would join him on the general election ballot: billionaire Democrat Tom Steyer or Republican Steve Hilton, a British-born former television commentator.

With ballots still being counted about 12 hours after polls closed, Becerra and Hilton were running close together in the mid-20% range, with Hilton slightly ahead in the latest count. Steyer trailed by roughly seven to eight percentage points. If those numbers hold, Becerra would face Hilton in November rather than Steyer.

That distinction could be critical. California’s voter registration heavily favors Democrats, with the party holding about 45% of registered voters compared with about 25% for Republicans. Hilton’s ties to President Donald Trump, who remains deeply unpopular in California, would likely make the fall campaign a steep climb for the Republican.

A Becerra-Steyer contest would have been a very different race. Steyer poured more than $200 million into his primary campaign, including extensive television and digital advertising that painted Becerra as ineffective or ethically suspect. Had Steyer advanced, he would have been expected to continue spending heavily through November.

Speaking to supporters in Los Angeles late Tuesday, Becerra stopped short of declaring victory but sounded confident as he framed himself as a candidate rooted in labor and public service. If elected, he would become California’s first Latino governor in the modern era, a milestone with particular significance in a state where Latinos are the largest ethnic group.

Becerra’s emergence at the front of the pack was one of the more surprising turns in an unusually fluid gubernatorial campaign. The race began without a clear favorite after several high-profile Democrats opted not to run, including former Vice President Kamala Harris, U.S. Sen. Alex Padilla and Attorney General Rob Bonta. Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis initially entered the governor’s race but later switched to a campaign for state treasurer, where she was leading as votes were counted.

The original field included 61 candidates, though only about 10 were considered serious contenders. As recently as early April, Becerra was polling at just 4% in a state Democratic Party tracking survey. At that point, Rep. Eric Swalwell led Democratic candidates with 12%, just ahead of Steyer.

Days later, Swalwell ended his campaign and resigned from Congress after several women accused him of sexual harassment or assault. Becerra quickly gained ground, tying Steyer at 13% in a mid-April poll and continuing to build support through the final weeks of the primary.

By the last Democratic tracking poll before Election Day, released May 16, Becerra led Steyer 21% to 15%, a margin that closely resembled the early vote count.

Steyer remained mathematically capable of moving into one of the top two spots, but the overnight results offered little indication that he was closing the gap. If the current standings remain largely intact, the November race will likely favor Becerra, who would then face the challenge of governing the nation’s most populous state after eight years under Gov. Gavin Newsom.

Original source: CalMatters

The post Election Night Returns Offer Early Clues in California Governor’s Race appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.

Under California’s primary system, the two candidates with the most votes in each contest advance to the November general election, when voters will make the final decision.

Attorney General Rob Bonta, a Democrat, is headed to the general election, where he will face Republican Michael Gates in the race to become California’s top criminal justice official. Gates is a former trial attorney who previously served as Huntington Beach city attorney and as an assistant U.S. attorney. Bonta, along with his predecessor Xavier Becerra, has used the attorney general’s office to file numerous lawsuits against the Trump administration.

In the race for state superintendent of public instruction, several veteran Democratic lawmakers sought the job, including Anthony Rendon, Josh Newman and Al Muratsuchi. But two of California’s most influential education groups — the California Teachers Association and the California Charter Schools Association — bypassed the longtime legislators and endorsed Democrat Richard Barrera, president of the San Diego Unified School District. Sonja Shaw, the former president of the Chino Valley Unified School Board, was backed by both Republican candidates for governor.

As of 9:30 p.m. Tuesday, with 46% of ballots counted, Shaw was leading the superintendent race with 24.7% of the vote. Barrera was second with 19.7%.

The lieutenant governor’s office, while largely ceremonial, carries several responsibilities, including stepping in when the governor is absent, serving on state boards and commissions, and casting a tie-breaking vote in the state Senate. The leading Democratic fundraisers in the race were Josh Fryday, a member of Gov. Gavin Newsom’s cabinet; state Treasurer Fiona Ma; and former Stockton Mayor Michael Tubbs.

With 46% of ballots counted as of 9:30 p.m. Tuesday, Ma was ahead with 20.6% of the vote. Romero followed with 19.6%, while Fryday had 14.3%.

State Controller Malia M. Cohen, a Democrat and the current officeholder, will move on to the November election as she seeks another term as California’s chief fiscal officer. She will face Republican Herb W. Morgan, who campaigned on a pledge to expose government fraud. Meghann Adams, a San Francisco school bus driver from the Tenderloin, also ran for the office on a progressive platform as a Peace and Freedom Party candidate.

Secretary of State Shirley Weber, a Democrat who serves as California’s chief elections officer, will also advance to the general election. Her opponent will be Republican Donald P. Wagner, an Orange County supervisor. Wagner supports requiring voter identification and criticized Weber over the pace of vote counting. Weber was appointed by Newsom in 2021 after serving eight years in the Assembly, then won a full four-year term in 2022. She has overseen California’s universal vote-by-mail system and has said she wants to further expand voting access.

The race for state treasurer drew major fundraising from Democratic candidates, who far outpaced Republicans. The treasurer manages and invests unspent taxpayer money and oversees state borrowing and debt. Anna Caballero, who recently chaired the powerful state Senate Appropriations Committee, and Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis raised hundreds of thousands of dollars from major donors, including labor unions, tribes and businesses. Kounalakis initially ran for governor but left that race in late 2025.

With 47% of ballots counted as of 9:30 p.m. Tuesday, Kounalakis led the treasurer’s race with 36.3% of the vote. Republican Jennifer Hawks, a retired business owner, was second with 26.6%.

California voters are also weighing in on who should regulate the state’s insurance industry, a closely watched office as insurers pull back from the market amid growing wildfire risk. Candidates for insurance commissioner include Democratic state lawmakers Ben Allen and Steven Bradford, as well as Democrat Patrick Wolff, a financial analyst whose campaign has been largely self-funded. The Republican Party endorsed insurance agent Stacy A. Korsgaden.

With 47% of ballots counted as of 9:30 p.m. Tuesday, former San Francisco Supervisor Jane Kim led the insurance commissioner’s race with 24.1% of the vote. Allen followed with 20.3%, and Korsgaden had 17.5%.

Four seats are also up this year on the State Board of Equalization, the five-member panel that is the only elected tax board in the country. The board advises county assessors, sets taxable values for utility and railroad properties, and hears some taxpayer appeals. The seats on the ballot include District 1, covering much of inland California; District 2, representing coastal California north of Los Angeles; District 3, covering the Los Angeles area; and District 4, covering the San Diego area.

In District 1, with 45% of ballots counted by 9:30 p.m. Tuesday, Republican state Sen. Shannon Grove led with 36.1% of the vote. Democrat Nelson Esparza was second with 30.5%.

In District 2, incumbent Democrat Sally J. Lieber was ahead with 53.7% of the vote, with 45% of ballots counted. Democrat John Pimentel was second with 14.5%.

In District 3, with 53% of ballots counted, Democratic Assemblymember Mike Gipson led with 27% of the vote. Democrat Yvonne Yiu was second with 13.9%.

In District 4, with 49% of ballots counted, Republican Denis Bilodeau led with 47% of the vote. Democratic state Sen. Tom Umberg was second with 20.8%.

Original source: CalMatters

The post California Election Results: Who’s Leading in State Races So Far appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.

Early returns showed Republican Steve Hilton and Democrat Xavier Becerra in position to advance to the November general election for governor, though ballots remained to be counted. Liberal billionaire Tom Steyer was running third and had not conceded, saying the race should wait until every ballot is tallied.

Several Democrats ended their campaigns, including former Rep. Katie Porter, who had once been viewed as a leading contender. Porter acknowledged the difficulty of falling short but urged supporters to remain engaged in the political process.

In other statewide races, early results showed Democrat Fiona Ma and Republican Gloria Romero leading in the lieutenant governor’s race. Democrats Jane Kim and Ben Allen were ahead in the contest for insurance commissioner.

One Inland Empire candidate was also drawing statewide attention: Sonja Shaw, president of the Chino Valley Unified school board, was leading in the race for superintendent of public instruction along with Richard Barrera, a San Diego Unified school board member.

In the treasurer’s race, Democrat Eleni Kounalakis advanced and could face Republican Jennifer Hawks in November. Democratic incumbents Rob Bonta, Shirley Weber and Malia Cohen also moved forward in their reelection bids for attorney general, secretary of state and controller. Their Republican challengers are Michael Gates, Don Wagner and Herb Morgan, respectively.

California’s congressional races were also reshaped by Proposition 50, which redrew districts in a way that favored Democrats and reduced the number of competitive races between the two major parties. Still, several contests are expected to remain closely watched through November.

Only two congressional races are considered strongly competitive between Democrats and Republicans. In the Central Valley, Republican Rep. David Valadao advanced, while Democrats Jasmeet Bains, a state assemblymember, and Randy Villegas, a progressive newcomer, were still competing for the second November slot. In San Diego County, Republican Supervisor Jim Desmond and Democratic San Diego City Councilmember Marni von Wilpert advanced to the general election.

For Inland Empire voters, one of the most significant congressional developments came in the 40th District, where Republican Rep. Ken Calvert, the longest-serving GOP member of California’s congressional delegation, is expected to face fellow Republican Rep. Young Kim after the district was altered under the new maps.

Other closely watched congressional races include the Sacramento-area 7th District, where longtime Democratic Rep. Doris Matsui may face a serious intraparty challenge from Sacramento City Councilmember Mai Vang. In San Francisco’s 11th District, the race to succeed former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi could come down to state Sen. Scott Wiener and San Francisco Supervisor Connie Chan, who received Pelosi’s endorsement.

In the Sacramento suburbs, Rep. Kevin Kiley, who left the Republican Party in March and is running as an independent in a different district, led early returns in the 6th District. Republican Michael Stansfield and Democrat Richard Pan, a former state senator, followed. In California’s rural north, former Assembly Republican Leader James Gallagher and former Senate President Pro Tem Mike McGuire advanced in the 1st District.

At the state Capitol, Democrats appeared likely to maintain control of the Legislature, where the entire Assembly and half of the Senate are on the ballot this year. Many races had already produced apparent top-two matchups within hours of polls closing, though several districts remained unsettled.

In the 4th Senate District, which includes the politically mixed Sierra foothills, incumbent Marie Alvarado-Gil, a former Democrat now running as a Republican, trailed Republican farmer Alexandra Duarte and Democratic Tuolumne County Supervisor Jaron Brandon in early returns.

Assembly Republican Leader Heath Flora, who had lost support from some key GOP groups in his district, held a narrow lead over Democrat Matthew Adams, a teacher. Republican trucker Jim Shoemaker was close behind.

In San Diego County’s 40th Senate District, Republican Kristie Bruce-Lane held an edge over fellow Republican Ed Musgrove for the chance to face Democrat Mara Elliott in November. The race has reflected a divide within the state GOP, with establishment Republicans backing Musgrove and conservative firebrand Carl DeMaio supporting Bruce-Lane.

Beyond the election results, lawmakers in Sacramento advanced a series of bills aimed at strengthening California’s DUI laws and cracking down on reckless driving. Eight of 17 measures introduced this year remain alive in the Legislature, with some moving further than similar proposals have in the past. The legislation followed an investigative series examining weaknesses in the state’s response to repeat DUI offenders and dangerous drivers.

Original source: CalMatters

The post California Election Results: Key Overnight Developments You May Have Missed appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.

In the race for governor, Republican Steve Hilton, a former Fox News host and British political adviser, and Democrat Xavier Becerra, a longtime California political figure, were holding the two spots needed to advance to the November general election. Billionaire Democratic donor and former hedge fund manager Tom Steyer remained in third place, trailing by a significant margin but not yet mathematically eliminated. The Associated Press had not called the race.

Final results could take weeks as counties continue processing ballots. Still, several themes were already emerging from Tuesday’s vote.

One of the clearest lessons was that personal wealth does not guarantee electoral success.

Steyer poured nearly a quarter-billion dollars into his self-funded campaign for governor, a record-setting amount meant to boost his populist message across California. But the spending did not translate into a commanding finish.

Garry South, a longtime Democratic strategist in California, said wealthy candidates can sometimes hurt themselves by overwhelming voters with advertising.

Other self-funded candidates also struggled. Patrick Wolff spent $600,000 of his own money in the insurance commissioner race. Yvonne Yiu put $750,000 into her campaign for the state Board of Equalization. Saikat Chakrabarti financed much of his multimillion-dollar campaign to succeed Nancy Pelosi in Congress. In Los Angeles, Zach Sokoloff contributed $1 million of his own money to challenge the sitting city controller, with additional millions coming from his mother.

Chakrabarti failed to finish in the top two, with state Sen. Scott Wiener and San Francisco Supervisor Connie Chan leading that contest. As of Wednesday morning, Wolff, Yiu and Sokoloff were also trailing in their respective races.

The election also appeared to favor familiar Democratic figures over insurgent or anti-establishment candidates.

Andrew Sinclair, a political science professor at Claremont McKenna College, said many Democratic voters seemed to be looking for experienced officeholders they believed could stand up to Trump and Republicans.

That dynamic helped Becerra rise after former front-runner Eric Swalwell’s campaign collapsed. Swalwell had been widely known as a veteran Democratic politician and vocal Trump critic. After he fell back, Becerra — a former congressman, California attorney general and federal health secretary — became a logical landing place for many Democratic voters.

Steyer’s status as a billionaire made him vulnerable to criticism, and some Democrats worried that a divided field could allow Republicans to capture both spots on the November ballot. That concern may have encouraged voters to consolidate behind the Democrat who appeared strongest in polling.

Several Democratic members of Congress also seemed to be holding off younger, more progressive challengers, including Mike Thompson, Brad Sherman and Doris Matsui, who were either leading their races or keeping challengers in second place.

Despite California’s top-two primary system, party labels continue to matter.

The system, adopted by voters in 2010, allows all candidates to run on the same primary ballot regardless of party, with the top two vote-getters advancing to November. Supporters said it would encourage less partisan campaigning and appeal to moderate voters.

But in statewide races, the system has rarely erased traditional partisan patterns. California has never had a governor’s race in November featuring two Democrats, despite speculation in past cycles that it could happen. This year, as in previous elections, Democratic and Republican voters largely appeared to rally around candidates from their own parties.

The races for lieutenant governor and treasurer were also shaping up as Democrat-versus-Republican contests. The main exception appeared to be the insurance commissioner race, where Democrats Jane Kim and state Sen. Ben Allen were on track for the two November spots as of Wednesday.

For Democrats, one major fear did not materialize: a Republican shutout of the governor’s race.

With a crowded field of Democrats and no single candidate dominating early, party leaders had worried that Hilton and Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, the two most prominent Republicans in the race, could finish first and second under the top-two system. Such an outcome would have left Democrats without a candidate in the November governor’s race in one of the nation’s bluest states.

State Democratic Party Chair Rusty Hicks commissioned polling in an effort to persuade some lower-polling Democrats to leave the race. Nearly all stayed in. But early returns suggested Democratic voters either coordinated enough to avoid the risk or that the feared scenario was never as likely as some party officials believed.

Democrats have worried about similar situations before. In 2018, crowded Democratic congressional fields raised fears that Republicans could win both general election slots in competitive districts, but that did not happen. Democrats later benefited from a strong general election performance in that year’s “blue wave.” During the 2021 recall election, Democrats also feared a procedural opening for a Republican candidate, but Gov. Gavin Newsom defeated the recall by a wide margin.

One of the most notable recent top-two surprises went the other way. In a conservative Sierra foothills state Senate district in 2022, a crowded Republican field split the vote and allowed two Democrats to advance. The winner, Sen. Marie Alvarado-Gil, later switched parties and joined the Republicans. As of early Wednesday, she was running third in her re-election race behind Democrat Jaron Brandon and Republican Alexandra Duarte.

The election brought mixed results for state lawmakers seeking higher or different office.

Former Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon, once one of the most powerful figures in Sacramento, was in fourth place in the race for state superintendent of public instruction, a largely nonpartisan office. State Sen. Anna Caballero, a Merced Democrat and former chair of the Senate Appropriations Committee, was far behind Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis and Republican Jennifer Hawks in the treasurer’s race.

Assemblymember Jasmeet Bains, a moderate Democrat, was also trailing in her Central Valley campaign against Republican Rep. David Valadao, with college professor Randy Villegas, backed by Sen. Bernie Sanders, holding the second-place position. Former state Sen. Steven Bradford was in eighth place in the insurance commissioner contest.

But other state legislators had stronger nights. Allen was in second place in the insurance commissioner race, while Wiener and state Sen. Aisha Wahab, both Bay Area Democrats, were leading their congressional contests.

As election officials continue counting ballots, the broad outlines of Tuesday’s vote are becoming clearer: California voters rewarded political familiarity, resisted several heavily self-funded campaigns and once again showed that the state’s top-two system has not erased the power of party identity.

Original source: CalMatters

The post What to Watch in California’s Elections, From Congress to the Governor’s Race appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.

San Jose Mayor Matt Mahan entered the race later than many of his rivals, but he was expected to change the contest. A business-oriented Democrat with a centrist profile by California standards, Mahan pointed to a decline in street homelessness in San Jose and aligned himself with voters frustrated by the post-pandemic politics of crime and public safety.

He also drew major financial support from wealthy backers, including tech figures such as Sergey Brin and Steven Huffman, as well as Los Angeles developer Rick Caruso. Supporters saw him as a younger, problem-solving candidate from Silicon Valley — someone who could appeal to Democrats who were not especially energized by Xavier Becerra, Tom Steyer or Katie Porter.

Yet Mahan never broke through. Former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa, making another run for governor, struggled as well. Both men conceded after polls closed Tuesday night, having remained near the bottom among the major candidates.

There are several possible explanations. Mahan may have entered too late. The billionaire support behind him may have turned off some voters. California Democrats may be less centrist than his campaign assumed.

But another factor may have been more fundamental: He was a mayor.

In theory, mayors should be strong candidates for governor. They oversee budgets, police departments, housing policy, emergency response, economic development, traffic, homelessness programs and the everyday municipal services that shape residents’ lives. They work with unions, business leaders, neighborhood advocates, police officials and civil rights groups. They are accustomed to public scrutiny, fundraising and political deal-making.

That background seems directly relevant to the governor’s job, only on a statewide scale.

In practice, however, California mayors have rarely made that leap successfully. The same hands-on experience that makes them appear qualified can also create political liabilities. Mayors make decisions that residents see and feel immediately — on encampments, public safety, development, labor contracts, city spending and neighborhood services. Those choices can anger opponents, disappoint allies and leave a long trail of controversies.

Villaraigosa understood that problem when he was mayor of Los Angeles. He often spoke candidly about the difficulty of moving from City Hall to the governor’s office. Big-city mayors, he noted, cannot avoid decisions with consequences. They make compromises, and those compromises are remembered.

Legislators often have an easier path. Members of Congress or the state Legislature vote on bills and champion causes, but individual accountability is usually more diffuse. A mayor, by contrast, is often blamed directly when a street deteriorates, a homeless encampment grows, a labor deal becomes unpopular or a police policy sparks backlash.

There have been exceptions. Pete Wilson, a former San Diego mayor, was elected to the U.S. Senate in the 1980s and later served two terms as governor.

Gavin Newsom also served as mayor of San Francisco before becoming governor, but his path included an important stop in between: two terms as lieutenant governor. That statewide post kept him in public office while lowering his profile during Gov. Jerry Brown’s administration, giving him time and distance from the controversies of his years at San Francisco City Hall.

Before that detour, Newsom had pitched himself to influential Democrats as a mayor who had already tested progressive policies in San Francisco. At the 2008 Democratic National Convention in Denver, he cited the city’s health care, wage and environmental policies as evidence that his approach could work statewide.

At the time, Newsom’s likely rival was Villaraigosa, then the high-profile mayor of Los Angeles. Both men were ultimately pushed aside in the 2010 governor’s race by Jerry Brown.

Brown technically had mayoral experience, too, having led Oakland. But he was hardly a typical former mayor. By then, he had already served two terms as governor and held other statewide offices, making his Oakland tenure only one piece of a long political career.

Newsom later won the governor’s race in 2018, defeating Villaraigosa along the way.

Historically, only a small number of California governors have served as mayors. Among the state’s 40 governors, just a few fit that description. William Stephens was mayor of Los Angeles for only 11 days in 1909 before later becoming lieutenant governor and then governor. Washington Montgomery Bartlett was mayor of San Francisco in the 1880s before serving briefly as governor. James “Sunny Jim” Rolph Jr. led San Francisco for nearly two decades before becoming governor in 1931.

The modern political landscape may make the climb even harder.

Mahan could run again in four or eight years, and his 2026 campaign may ultimately be remembered as a first statewide test. But another campaign would come with a longer mayoral record — and likely more decisions that voters can second-guess.

Other California mayors face similar challenges. Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass has said she has no plans for higher office, and she is facing a difficult reelection fight. San Diego Mayor Todd Gloria has been mentioned as a possible future gubernatorial candidate, but his handling of homelessness has drawn criticism. San Francisco Mayor Daniel Lurie also faces the political risks that come with making visible decisions on shelter and street conditions.

For Democratic mayors in California’s largest cities, the balancing act is especially difficult. They must appeal to homeowners and moderate voters who want visible results on crime, homelessness and quality-of-life concerns, while also responding to a progressive base that is increasingly influential in urban politics.

Statewide candidates who have not run cities, such as Steyer or Becerra, also must navigate those ideological tensions. But they do so without the same record of local decisions — and without the daily spotlight that follows a mayor.

Mayors of midsized California cities face a different problem. Many lack the statewide name recognition and fundraising network needed to compete in a governor’s race.

The challenge is not unique to California. New York City mayors often govern a place that differs sharply from the rest of New York state, and the mayoralty there can be more visible than many statewide offices. Former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo, after leaving office in disgrace, was rejected by voters when he ran for mayor of New York City.

Pete Buttigieg, the former mayor of South Bend, Indiana, became a national political figure and later U.S. transportation secretary. But as a Democrat in a strongly conservative state, his chances of becoming governor of Indiana remain remote.

Still, big-city mayors are likely to keep trying. Their experience can be highly relevant to governing a state as large and complex as California. But as Mahan and Villaraigosa found, the background that may prepare a mayor to govern can also make it harder to win.

Original source: CalMatters

The post Mahan and Villaraigosa Face Steep Climb From City Hall to Governor’s Office appeared first on The Hemet & San Jacinto Chronicle.