California treats homelessness spending as action. That’s not a measure of success

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As California continues to pour billions of dollars into homelessness prevention, critics say the state still lacks a reliable way to determine whether that spending is actually keeping people housed.

Tangela Babbitt, a senior project manager and consultant in Elk Grove who previously spent more than 11 years working for Sacramento County’s Department of Human Assistance, says she saw the problem from inside the safety net system. Her work included helping administer CalFresh, CalWORKs and Medi-Cal benefits for residents in crisis.

Babbitt points to the case of a Sacramento County mother facing eviction who spent two months calling 211 and the county for help. Each agency directed her back to the other, with neither able to clearly identify what assistance was available or who was responsible for guiding her through the process.

The woman, Babbitt said, was not simply lost in a bureaucratic gap. Rather, the system was structured in a way that allowed agencies to operate separately while assuming another office had the answer.

That concern has implications across California, including in Southern California and the Inland Empire, where rising rents, limited affordable housing and evictions continue to pressure low-income families.

A UC San Francisco study found that one-third of unhoused adults in California had previously held long-term leases and had been evicted, many for the first time. The research also found that an eviction order increases the likelihood of homelessness by more than 300%.

Those findings, Babbitt argues, show that California understands a major pathway into homelessness but has not built a coordinated prevention system capable of intervening before families lose housing.

The state has funded several rounds of homelessness prevention and response programs, including the Homeless Housing, Assistance and Prevention program. But Babbitt says the state has not consistently required measurable outcome reporting tied to continued funding.

In other fields, she noted, organizations typically do not approve repeated rounds of funding without evidence that earlier phases worked. California, she argues, has distributed billions of dollars without creating a uniform statewide accountability system to measure results.

The California Interagency Council on Homelessness was created to help provide that oversight. In 2021, it was directed to gather statewide data on homelessness programs. But according to a state audit cited by Babbitt, the council produced one report and then largely faded from public view.

Babbitt said the result is a system that often measures activity rather than success. Dollars awarded, shelter beds funded and programs launched may show movement, but they do not answer the central question: whether people are still housed six months or a year later.

She emphasized that frontline workers are not responsible for the failure. Instead, she said the problem stems from decisions made at the policy and program-design level.

One proposal, Senate Bill 1160, would require county courts to report eviction outcomes by ZIP code. Babbitt called the bill an important step, but said better data will not be enough unless the state also changes how it governs funding and measures results.

She argues that California should require outcome reporting as a condition of ongoing homelessness prevention dollars, give the interagency council a more active oversight role, and measure success by what happens to people in crisis — not simply by how much money is distributed.

In the case of the Sacramento mother, Babbitt said the calls eventually stopped. She does not know whether the woman kept her home, entered a shelter or became homeless.

The larger problem, she said, is that California’s system did not require anyone to find out.

Original source: CalMatters

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Guest Commentary written by

Nathan Donley

Nathan Donley is environmental health science director at the Center for Biological Diversity.

Amid growing awareness that so-called forever chemicals, or PFAS, can linger in landscapes and waterways for centuries, federal and state regulators have repeatedly insisted they’re working aggressively to protect us all from the cancer-linked poisons.

They are not.

Even as regulators and lawmakers tout their baby steps to limit forever chemicals in U.S. drinking water, they’re allowing a dramatic increase in the use of pesticides containing the chemicals across millions of acres of industrial agriculture. That often ends up in waterways and drinking water supplies, including in California.

PFAS, or perfluoroalkyl and polyfluoroalkyl substances, are a group of synthetic chemicals used since the 1950s to make consumer products resistant to water, grease and heat. Studies have linked PFAS to cancer, reproductive harm, endocrine disruption and other health effects. 

An alarming 14% of all conventional pesticide active ingredients are now PFAS, according to a peer-reviewed study I co-authored with scientists from the Environmental Working Group and the Public Employees for Environmental Responsibility. And it’s getting worse: The dangerous substances make up 30% of pesticide active ingredients approved just in the last 10 years. 

Nowhere is the exploding use of PFAS pesticides more unsettling than in California, which produces more than three-quarters of U.S.-consumed fruits and nuts and nearly half its vegetables. In March, the U.S. Geological Survey reported widespread water contamination with PFAS pesticides in the San Joaquin and Sacramento Valleys, where most California fruit and vegetables are grown.

PFAS chemicals were found in nearly 40% of samples of nonorganic fruits and vegetables tested by state regulators in 2023, according to a new report by the Environmental Working Group. That analysis found 17 different PFAS pesticides on more than half of 78 types of nonorganic fruits and vegetables, including nectarines, peaches, plums, strawberries, blueberries, celery and green beans.

The proliferation of forever chemicals in Californians’ food and the continued approval of PFAS pesticides by state regulators leaves no doubt California lawmakers must pass Assembly Bill 1603

The measure would require that products disclose if they contain PFAS, and it would prohibit any new PFAS pesticide approvals. It also would phase out the use of PFAS pesticides over the next 10 years.

The bill faces a do-or-die vote in the full California Assembly by May 29.

What heightens the need for action is the fact that the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency under President Donald Trump and California’s Department of Pesticide Regulation are going in the wrong direction on PFAS pesticides.

Since Trump took office, the EPA has approved two PFAS pesticides and proposed approving three more.

And recently, California’s pesticide office again approved the PFAS insecticide sulfoxaflor, even though it has been repeatedly rejected by state and federal courts because of its high toxicity to pollinators, such as honeybees.

The pesticide industry claims that many new pesticides are not PFAS because they contain only one, instead of two, fully fluorinated carbons. But that claim, which has been embraced by the EPA, disregards the widely accepted scientific definition, that any chemical with a single fully-fluorinated carbon is a PFAS.  

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An illustration in green and blue tones that depicts a girl standing in front of a voting booth as she try to figure out her choices. The girl's brown hair is tied up in a ponytail and she wears green headphones, and a blue sweatshirt. Behind her, a bulletin board hangs with various California images, including a calendar with the date of the Primary election: June 2nd. In the far right side of the illustration, a long line of people wait for their chance to vote.

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Californians are voting on a wide-open governor’s race. Xavier Becerra, Steve Hilton and Tom Steyer are leading in polls but only two will move on to the general election.

We get it, life gets busy. You received your ballot weeks ago and it’s languishing on your pile of mail. But don’t be like the 92% of California voters who haven’t submitted their ballots yet — make plans to vote as soon as you can.

With exactly one week until Election Day and no clear frontrunner in the governor’s race, let’s recap some common election questions to prepare you.

Why are so many people running for governor?

It’s a wide-open field in part because the big names in the Democratic Party — former Vice President Kamala Harris and U.S. Sen. Alex Padilla — passed on running for governor. Democratic voters in early spring appeared to be coalescing behind former Rep. Eric Swalwell, but he withdrew from the race following allegations of sexual misconduct. 

Who are the candidates? 

  • Xavier Becerra, Democrat, former U.S. Health and Human Services secretary and former California attorney general.
  • Chad Bianco, Republican, Riverside County Sheriff.
  • Steve Hilton, Republican, former Fox News host and former adviser to conservative British Prime Minister David Cameron.
  • Matt Mahan, Democrat, mayor of San Jose.
  • Katie Porter, Democrat, former U.S. representative representing Orange County.
  • Tom Steyer, Democrat, billionaire entrepreneur and former presidential candidate.
  • Tony Thurmond, Democrat, state superintendent of public instruction.
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How do I find out more about them?

You can learn more about the top candidates in our voter guide and watch them explain their stances on housing, justice, healthcare and more.

Whats an open primary and why do we have it?

California’s open primary allows the two candidates who receive the most votes to move on to the general election in November, no matter what party they belong to. The state adopted this system after voters approved Proposition 14 in 2010, which allows voters to pick any candidate in a primary, regardless of their own party affiliation. 

Prop. 14 proponents argued that this system would compel candidates to court voters across the political spectrum, which would make California less partisan. But critics said it would limit choices for voters, potentially advancing two candidates from the same political party. That’s a real possibility this year because of the sheer number of candidates running for governor and since no one has secured a clear lead.

Who’s ahead in the polls?

The latest Democratic Party poll shows Republican Hilton and Democrat Becerra leading with 22% and 21% respectively, and Steyer in third at 15%.

Is it too late to vote by mail?

It’s not too late, but don’t cut it too close. Mailed ballots must be postmarked on or before Election Day and received by election offices within seven days. It’s best to mail your ballot at least five days before June 2 (Thursday) to make sure it’s counted, but if you wait until then, get a hand-stamped postmark from a postal worker inside your local post office.

How can I vote on Election Day?

Besides mailing in your ballot, you can submit your ballot at a drop-off location or vote in-person at the polls from 7 a.m. to 8 p.m. Find your nearest polling place here and your closest ballot drop-off location here.

When will the ballots be counted?

County elections officials must begin reporting results to the secretary of state on Election Night no more than two hours after they begin tallying votes. Elections officials have 30 days to count ballots and finalize their results to the state, who then has 38 days to certify the results.

What about the other statewide offices?

You can find them all in our voter guide, but check out our explainers that go deeper:

What the heck is the Board of Equalization? 

We know Californians are asking that question. We see it in our pageviews reports. The Board of Equalization is an elected tax board that the state created in 1879. It has narrow authority to oversee property tax collection and has previously been a launching pad to other political offices.

Learn more about the candidates in our voter guide.

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